.1. Executive Dossier Summary
Company: Siemens AG (inclusive of Siemens Energy AG, Siemens Mobility, Siemens Healthineers, and Siemens Digital Industries)
Jurisdiction: Germany (Global HQ); Israel (Significant operational footprint via wholly-owned subsidiaries and strategic partnerships)
Sector: Industrial Conglomerate (Energy, Transport, Digital Industries, Healthcare, Smart Infrastructure)
Leadership: Jim Hagemann Snabe (Chairman of the Supervisory Board), Roland Busch (President and CEO)
Intelligence Conclusions:
Tier 1 Strategic Validator and Structural Pillar:
The forensic assessment concludes with high confidence that Siemens AG functions as a Tier 1 Strategic Validator and a Structural Pillar of the Israeli state apparatus. The corporation is not merely a commercial vendor operating within a neutral market; it is an active architect of the critical infrastructure that sustains the Israeli occupation, ensures the state’s energy sovereignty, and powers its military-industrial complex. The relationship has transcended transactional commerce to become a symbiotic “state-building” partnership, where Siemens provides the physical and digital “nervous system” for the Israeli state.
Material Complicity in Occupation and Warfare:
The investigation identifies “Upper-Extreme” material complicity across multiple domains.
●Military Enablement: Siemens provides the Product Lifecycle Management (PLM) software backbone (Teamcenter, NX) for the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD) and primary arms manufacturers (Elbit, Rafael). This software is the non-substitutable engineering environment in which Israel’s lethal capabilities—from the Iron Dome to the Merkava tank—are designed, simulated, and maintained.1 Crucially, the IMOD renewed licenses for these systems during the active bombardment of Gaza in late 2023 and 2024, indicating Siemens’ direct operational role in sustaining the war effort.2
●Infrastructure of Annexation: Siemens Mobility is the primary contractor for the Desiro HC rolling stock operating on the A1 Fast Line, a railway project that cuts through the occupied West Bank (Latrun Salient), expropriating Palestinian land to exclusively serve Israeli citizens. This infrastructure normalizes the annexation of occupied territory.3
●Settlement Economy Integration: To fulfill contract obligations, Siemens actively “laundered” settlement goods by contracting Extal Ltd., a manufacturer located in the illegal Mishor Adumim settlement industrial zone, integrating occupation-derived products into its global supply chain.2
Ideological Alignment and the “Safe Harbor” Failure: Siemens has failed the “Safe Harbor” test—a comparative forensic analysis of its geopolitical conduct—in a catastrophic manner. While the company executed a rapid and costly (€600M+) exit from the Russian market in 2022 citing “moral duty” and international law, its leadership has simultaneously deepened its commitment to Israel during the Gaza genocide. Chairman Jim Hagemann Snabe publicly declared the October 7 events a “wake-up call” and urged investment in Israel during the active prosecution of the war in September 2024.5 This discrepancy reveals that Siemens’ human rights policies are politically stratified, protecting the brand in the West while underwriting state violence in the Levant.
Technographic Symbiosis: The company acts as a global vector for the proliferation of Israeli military-grade technology. By embedding cybersecurity software from Claroty (founded by Unit 8200 veterans) directly into its industrial hardware, Siemens validates and capitalizes the “military-to-tech” pipeline of the Israeli intelligence apparatus, effectively standardizing occupation-derived surveillance tech as the global industrial norm.6
.2. Corporate Overview & Evolution
Origins & Founders
Siemens AG, a titan of German industry founded in 1847, has a historical trajectory deeply intertwined with state power and critical infrastructure. Its re-entry and expansion into the Israeli market post-WWII were driven not only by commercial opportunity but by a complex interplay of German “historical responsibility” (Staatsräson) and the strategic necessity of accessing Israeli innovation.
●Founding Capital & Zionism: While the original founders predate the state of Israel, the modern corporate entity has constructed a specific narrative of “atonement through economic support.” This has evolved into a strategic doctrine where supporting the Israeli economy—even its military and settlement sectors—is viewed through the lens of moral obligation rather than complicity in present-day human rights violations.
●Assessment: The corporation has successfully leveraged this historical guilt to shield itself from criticism. By framing its investments as support for the “Jewish State,” it deflects scrutiny from the fact that it is actively arming and equipping a military occupation. The “Deeply Rooted” narrative promulgated by current leadership is the modern manifestation of this doctrine, transforming historical responsibility into unconditional geopolitical alignment.
Leadership & Ownership
The governance of Siemens AG exhibits a unified, top-down alignment with Israeli state interests, characterized by active advocacy from the highest levels of the Supervisory Board.
●Jim Hagemann Snabe (Chairman): Snabe has emerged as a vocal ideological advocate. His visit to the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange (TASE) in September 2024 to open trading was a deliberate political act. By stating that “there is no better time to invest in Israel” during a war that had already claimed tens of thousands of civilian lives, Snabe aligned the entire weight of the Siemens brand with the resilience of the Israeli war economy.5 This moves beyond commercial neutrality into the realm of active partisan support.
●Roland Busch (President & CEO): Busch is the architect of the “Business Continuity” strategy in Israel. His administration oversaw the decision to maintain software licensing to the IMOD during the Gaza war while simultaneously managing the liquidation of Russian assets. His public affirmation that Siemens is “deeply rooted” in Israel was a direct rejection of BDS calls and a signal to shareholders that the Israeli market is a strategic, non-negotiable asset.9
●Next47 (Venture Capital): Led by partners who view the Israeli tech ecosystem as a “crown jewel,” Siemens’ venture arm actively scouts and funds startups emerging from the IDF’s elite intelligence units (Unit 8200, Unit 81). Investments in companies like Claroty (OT Security) and Bringg (Logistics) demonstrate a strategy of integrating military-grade Israeli IP into Siemens’ global stack.10
●Major Shareholders: While global giants like BlackRock and Vanguard hold significant sway, the presence of Israeli institutional investors such as Migdal Insurance and Harel Insurance creates a closed financial loop. These Israeli firms profit from Siemens’ success, which is in part derived from Israeli government contracts funded by Israeli taxpayers, creating a resilient “war economy” ecosystem.3
Analytical Assessment
Siemens operates in Israel through a structure designed for Operational Permanence and State Integration.
●Wholly-Owned Subsidiaries: By establishing Siemens Israel Ltd., Siemens Energy Ltd., and Siemens Industry Software (formerly Mentor Graphics), the company acts as its own “Importer of Record.” This status subjects it fully to Israeli domestic law, including the “Mandatory Industrial Cooperation” regulations that force foreign companies to reinvest in the local economy.3
●The Trap of Reciprocity: To win mega-projects like the Israel Railways tender (€900M), Siemens is legally bound to execute “reciprocal procurement.” This structural requirement forces the company to integrate local suppliers into its value chain. In a highly militarized economy with deep settlement integration, this makes it statistically inevitable that Siemens will partner with entities involved in the occupation (like Extal in Mishor Adumim) or defense (like Elbit). Siemens has accepted this complicity as the “cost of doing business,” prioritizing market access over international law compliance.
●Dependency on Israeli IP: The acquisition of Mentor Graphics (now Siemens EDA) created a strategic dependency. Siemens’ global leadership in electronic design automation (EDA) now relies heavily on R&D centers in Israel. This validates the Israeli high-tech sector—often staffed by military intelligence veterans—as a critical node in Siemens’ global innovation engine, making divestment strategically painful and unlikely without immense external pressure.11
.3. Timeline of Relevant Events
| Date |
Event |
Significance |
| 2009-08-28 |
Investment in Arava Power |
Siemens Project Ventures (SPV) invests $15 million to acquire a 40% stake in Arava Power Company, marking a strategic entry into Israel’s renewable energy sector and establishing long-term infrastructure ties.12 |
| 2016-11-14 |
Acquisition of Mentor Graphics |
Siemens announces the $4.5 billion acquisition of Mentor Graphics. This move integrates significant Israeli R&D operations (formerly Mentor’s Israeli branch) into Siemens’ core Digital Industries division, creating a structural dependency on Israeli engineering talent.11 |
| 2018-03-08 |
Desiro HC Contract Signing |
Siemens Mobility signs a landmark €900 million contract with Israel Railways for 60 Desiro HC double-decker trains. The deal includes a 15-year maintenance agreement and the construction of a depot in Ashkelon, binding Siemens to the A1 line which crosses the Green Line.15 |
| 2018-06-11 |
Claroty Series B Investment |
Next47, Siemens’ venture arm, participates in a $60 million Series B funding round for Claroty, a cybersecurity firm founded by Unit 8200 veterans (Team8). This investment solidifies the integration of Israeli military-grade cyber tech into Siemens’ industrial hardware.17 |
| 2018 |
Extal Settlement Contract |
To fulfill reciprocal procurement obligations for the rail contract, Siemens contracts Extal Ltd., located in the illegal Mishor Adumim settlement industrial zone, for aluminum profiles. This act constitutes direct financial support for the settlement enterprise.2 |
| 2020-03-27 |
EuroAsia Preferred Contractor |
Siemens Energy is selected as the preferred bidder for the construction of the VSC (Voltage Source Converter) stations for the EuroAsia Interconnector (now Great Sea Interconnector). This project aims to link the Israeli grid (including settlements) to the EU.18 |
| 2021-12 |
A1 Line Operations Begin |
Siemens Desiro HC trains commence operations on the A1 Fast Line to Jerusalem. The route traverses the occupied West Bank, normalizing the use of occupied land for exclusive Israeli transport infrastructure.4 |
| 2022-05-12 |
Russia Market Exit |
Siemens announces an orderly wind-down of its Russian business due to the Ukraine war, citing a “turning point in history” and “moral duty.” This establishes the “Safe Harbor” precedent that is conspicuously absent in the Israeli context.19 |
| 2023-02 |
Turkey Boycott Denial |
Following German media reports that Siemens signed a boycott-Israel clause for a Turkish rail tender, the company issues a vehement denial, stating it is “deeply rooted” in Israel and strictly complies with anti-boycott laws.9 |
| 2023-11 |
Wartime IMOD Renewals |
During the active bombardment of Gaza, the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD) renews licenses for Siemens Teamcenter and Solid Edge software without tender, citing operational necessity for “modifications and enhancements”.1 |
| 2024-09-01 |
TASE Futures Launch Visit |
Chairman Jim Hagemann Snabe visits Tel Aviv to open trading for the new futures market at the TASE. He declares the war a “wake-up call” and explicitly encourages investment in Israel.5 |
| 2025 |
Great Sea Interconnector Update |
Despite project delays and renaming to “Great Sea Interconnector,” Siemens remains the designated technology partner for the converter stations, continuing its role in connecting the settlement grid to Europe.22 |
.4. Domains of Complicity
This section constitutes a deep forensic audit of Siemens’ involvement across four critical domains. Each domain tests a specific hypothesis regarding the company’s complicity in the Israeli occupation and military apparatus.
Domain 1: Military & Intelligence Complicity (V-MIL)
Goal: To establish whether Siemens provides Material Support or Military Enablement to the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD) and the defense industrial base, specifically examining the use of its technologies in weapon systems deployed against Palestinians.
Evidence & Analysis:
The investigation confirms that Siemens does not merely act as a peripheral supplier; it provides the Digital Foundry and Engineering Substrate of the Israeli war machine. The company’s software is the environment in which Israeli lethality is conceived, designed, and managed.
●The Digital Backbone: Teamcenter & NX:
○Siemens Digital Industries Software supplies the Teamcenter (Product Lifecycle Management – PLM) and NX (CAD/CAM/CAE) suites to the absolute core of the Israeli defense establishment: the IMOD, Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI), and Rafael Advanced Defense Systems.1
○Operational Criticality: Modern weapon systems—such as the Iron Dome interceptor, the Arrow 3 missile defense system, and the Merkava tank—are not static objects. They are complex “systems of systems” with lifecycles managed entirely digitally. Teamcenter acts as the “Single Source of Truth” for these weapons. It manages the Bill of Materials (BOM), engineering change orders, and maintenance schedules for millions of individual components. Without this software, the IMOD and Elbit cannot effectively coordinate the manufacturing, repair, or upgrade of these systems. The “Digital Thread” provided by Siemens connects the design engineer at Rafael directly to the manufacturing floor producing the missile components.
○Wartime Continuity (Forensic Evidence): The most damning evidence of active complicity is the behavior during the Gaza genocide. Between November 2023 and June 2024, a period of intense kinetic conflict, the IMOD executed multiple contract renewals for Siemens software. These contracts, valued at over $1 million, were issued without public tender, citing “modifications and enhancements”.2
○Inference: The bypass of tender protocols indicates operational necessity. The IDF required immediate, uninterrupted access to Siemens’ engineering platforms to sustain its war effort. The specific language of “modifications” suggests that Siemens software was being actively tailored or patched to meet immediate wartime requirements, potentially related to the rapid production or modification of munitions used in Gaza.
●Aerodynamic Simulation for Hypersonic Weaponry:
○Technical audits and academic papers authored by engineers at Rafael Advanced Defense Systems cite the explicit use of Siemens NX for the design of “supersonic nozzles” and “arc plasma wind tunnels”.6
○Systemic Implication: This confirms that Siemens software is utilized for the high-end aerodynamic simulation required for missile technology. The software allows Rafael engineers to simulate thermal stress and airflow at hypersonic speeds, a critical step in developing next-generation interceptors and offensive missiles. This is not “dual-use” in the vague sense; it is direct application in the R&D of lethal kinetics.
●The “McKit” Proxy Mechanism:
○Siemens mitigates legal and reputational risk by operating through a strategic distributor: McKit Systems, a subsidiary of the Malam Team.23
○Analysis: While McKit signs the contracts, the dependency is wholly on Siemens AG. Siemens retains the intellectual property rights and provides the critical backend support, security patches, and updates. A distributor cannot maintain the complex code base of Teamcenter without the vendor’s active participation. McKit actively markets itself as the bridge between Siemens and the defense sector, sponsoring military technology conferences to “evangelize” Siemens solutions to IDF officers. This proves that Siemens is aware of, and actively cultivates, its military client base through this proxy.
●Tactical Medical Support (Dual-Use):
○Siemens Healthineers supplies Mobilett Impact portable X-ray systems to the Israeli market. While civilian in nature, these ruggedized units are designed for rapid deployment and are standard equipment for field hospitals.1 Their availability supports the “military-medical complex,” ensuring that the IDF has the logistical capacity to treat casualties and sustain prolonged combat operations.
Counter-Arguments & Assessment:
●Defense: Siemens might argue that software is “neutral” and they cannot control the end-use of general engineering tools.
●Rebuttal: Teamcenter and NX are not “general purpose” like Microsoft Word. They are specialized, high-cost industrial tools sold with specific licensing agreements and “Know Your Customer” (KYC) obligations. The renewal of contracts directly with the IMOD during a war involving credible allegations of genocide demonstrates Intentional Complicity. The “Safe Harbor” precedent set by the Russia exit proves that Siemens can control end-use when it chooses to (e.g., stopping rail maintenance in Russia). The failure to do so in Israel is a policy choice.
Analytical Assessment: High Confidence (Tier A). Siemens software serves as the non-substitutable engineering substrate of the Israeli military-industrial complex. Withdrawal would cause significant, albeit temporary, disruption to weapon production logistics.
Named Entities / Evidence Map:
●IMOD (Direct Client via McKit / Wartime Renewal) 2
●Rafael (User of Siemens NX for missile R&D) 6
●Elbit Systems (User of Teamcenter for lifecycle management) 1
●McKit Systems (Strategic Distributor/Integrator) 23
.Domain 2: Digital & Cyber Complicity (V-DIG)
Goal: To map the extent of Siemens’ integration with the Israeli cyber-intelligence apparatus and the “dual-use” nature of its digital ecosystem.
Evidence & Analysis:
Siemens has moved beyond investment to deep structural integration, constructing a “Cyber-Kinetic Bridge” that embeds Israeli intelligence-derived software into its global industrial hardware.
●The Unit 8200 Stack: Claroty & RUGGEDCOM Integration:
○Siemens has physically embedded software from Claroty directly into its RUGGEDCOM industrial switches, specifically the APE1808 (Application Processing Engine) module.6
○Genealogy: Claroty was incubated by Team8, a venture foundry established by Nadav Zafrir, the former commander of Unit 8200 (Israel’s NSA equivalent).
○Mechanism: By pre-loading Claroty’s “Continuous Threat Detection” onto the APE1808, Siemens places a “black box” of Israeli code at the edge of critical infrastructure grids worldwide. This software utilizes Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) to analyze industrial protocols.
○Systemic Implication: This creates a symbiotic validation loop. Siemens standardizes Israeli military-grade SIGINT technology (DPI) as the global baseline for OT (Operational Technology) security. This not only capitalizes the Unit 8200 ecosystem—funneling global revenue back to founders who honed their skills maintaining the occupation—but also extends the Israeli cyber-defense perimeter. It normalizes the presence of “Unit 8200 ware” in civilian infrastructure.
○Capital Loop: Siemens’ venture arm, Next47, was a key investor in Claroty’s $60 million Series B round.17 This financial interest aligns Siemens’ corporate growth with the valuation of a company birthed from the occupation’s intelligence apparatus.
●Surveillance & Biometrics: The AnyVision (Oosto) Nexus:
○Siemens Smart Infrastructure integrated AnyVision (rebranded as Oosto) facial recognition technology into its Siveillance access control suite.6
○The “Better Tomorrow” Connection: AnyVision faced global condemnation for the use of its “Better Tomorrow” software at Israeli military checkpoints in the West Bank to track and control the Palestinian population.
○Divergence from Microsoft: While Microsoft divested its stake in AnyVision following ethical audits, Siemens maintained the integration. By bundling AnyVision with Siveillance, Siemens offers global clients a “biometric checkpoint in a box,” prioritizing technical capability over the ethical toxicity of the vendor.
●The Carceral State: Orad Group & Prison Systems:
○Through its distributor Orad Group, Siemens acts as a key technology provider to the Israel Prison Service (IPS).
○Evidence: Orad Group holds contracts to maintain Siemens fire detection and extinguishing systems in IPS facilities, including the notorious Gilboa Prison (high security) and Ktzi’ot Prison (administrative detention center).25
○Analysis: In a carceral environment, fire safety systems are not passive; they are integrated into the facility’s command and control. A fire alarm triggers lockdown protocols, door locks, and ventilation changes. By maintaining these “life safety” systems, Siemens (via Orad) provides the regulatory license to operate for the prisons. A prison cannot legally function without certified fire safety. Therefore, Siemens directly enables the incarceration of Palestinian political prisoners.
●Technion Partnership:
○Siemens maintains a strategic R&D partnership with the Technion – Israel Institute of Technology, specifically regarding cyber-physical security. Following a “friendly hack” of Siemens controllers by Technion researchers, Siemens deepened its collaboration.27 This partnership validates and funds an academic institution that is deeply embedded in the Israeli military R&D complex (developing autonomous systems, drone tech, etc.).
Counter-Arguments & Assessment:
●Defense: Cybersecurity protects civilian grids and is inherently defensive.
●Rebuttal: The technology (DPI) is dual-use and derived from offensive capabilities. The capital flow to Team8/Claroty incentivizes the “military-to-tech” pipeline, making service in occupation units like 8200 a lucrative career path. The prison contracts are legally and ethically indefensible under any HRDD framework; they are direct service contracts for detention centers.
Analytical Assessment: High Confidence (Tier A). Siemens actively integrates, validates, and capitalizes the “Unit 8200” ecosystem and provides essential operational systems for the carceral state.
Named Entities / Evidence Map:
●Claroty (Embedded Partner / Next47 Investment) 7
●Team8 (Venture Foundry / Unit 8200 Link) 6
●Orad Group (Distributor / Prison Contractor) 25
●Gilboa / Ktzi’ot Prisons (End Users) 26
●AnyVision/Oosto (Siveillance Integration) 6
.Domain 3: Economic & Structural Complicity (V-ECON)
Goal: To audit Siemens’ role in critical infrastructure, energy independence, and the integration of the settlement economy into global value chains.
Evidence & Analysis:
Siemens functions as a “state-builder” in the energy and transport sectors, providing the physical infrastructure that creates irreversible “facts on the ground.”
●The Great Sea Interconnector (EuroAsia): “Plugging in the Settlements”
○Siemens Energy serves as the preferred contractor for the construction of the Voltage Source Converter (VSC) stations for the Great Sea Interconnector (formerly EuroAsia Interconnector).18
○Project Scope: A subsea HVDC cable linking the power grids of Israel, Cyprus, and Greece.
○Geopolitical Complicity: Israel operates a unified national grid that does not distinguish between the 1967 borders and the occupied territories. Electricity flows seamlessly to illegal settlements. By connecting this grid to the EU via the VSC stations, Siemens is physically integrating the settlement enterprise into the European energy market. This ends Israel’s “energy island” status, providing strategic depth and resilience against regional isolation. It creates a physical, permanent link that validates the de facto annexation of the West Bank grid.
○Status (2025): Despite delays and renaming, Siemens remains the designated technology partner for the converter stations.22
●The A1 “Apartheid” Railway:
○Siemens Mobility executed a €900 million contract (signed March 8, 2018) to supply 60 Desiro HC double-decker trains to Israel Railways.15
○The Infrastructure of Annexation: These trains were procured specifically for the A1 Fast Line connecting Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. This line was engineered to cut through the Latrun Salient (occupied West Bank) and tunnels under Palestinian lands in Mevasseret Zion.
○Complicity: The line involved the expropriation of Palestinian land but offers no service to Palestinian residents. It is a segregated infrastructure project designed to cement Israeli control over the Jerusalem corridor. Siemens supplied the rolling stock and built the Ashkelon maintenance depot, signing a 15-year maintenance contract. This binds Siemens to the operation of this controversial line until the mid-2030s.4 Siemens provides the “legs” for the occupation’s transit network.
●Settlement Laundering: The Extal Contract:
○To satisfy the “Industrial Cooperation” (offset) requirements for the Desiro HC contract, Siemens actively integrated the settlement economy into its supply chain.
○The Deal: Siemens contracted Extal Ltd. to supply aluminum profiles for the trains. Extal’s factory is located in the Mishor Adumim industrial zone, an illegal settlement in the occupied West Bank.2
○Mechanism: By purchasing components from Extal and integrating them into the trains, Siemens “laundered” settlement goods, treating them as valid “Israeli content” to meet tender obligations. This provided direct revenue and legitimacy to a settlement enterprise, in violation of the UN Guiding Principles.
●Energy Generation Monopoly:
○Siemens SGT-800 industrial gas turbines generate approximately 40% of Israel’s total electricity.
○Key Facilities: Siemens built and maintains the Alon Tavor and Ramat Gabriel power plants for private power producers (RD Energy).28
○Analysis: Siemens is an existential pillar of the Israeli economy. The state cannot function at its current capacity without the continued operation and maintenance of Siemens turbines. This constitutes “Upper-Extreme” structural dependence.
Counter-Arguments & Assessment:
●Defense: Siemens claims it “didn’t lay the tracks” for the A1 line, only supplied the trains.
●Rebuttal: This is a distinction without a difference. Railway infrastructure is non-functional without rolling stock. By supplying the trains and the long-term maintenance, Siemens makes the illegal infrastructure operational.
●Defense: The Extal deal was a government mandate for local content.
●Rebuttal: Multinational corporations have a responsibility to vet their supply chains. Contracting with a factory on occupied land is a choice. Siemens prioritized securing the €900M contract over compliance with international law regarding settlement trade.
Analytical Assessment: Extreme Confidence (Tier A). Siemens is indispensable to Israel’s energy and transport sectors and has directly financed the settlement economy.
Named Entities / Evidence Map:
●Great Sea Interconnector (Strategic Project) 18
●Israel Railways (Client – A1 Line) 15
●Extal Ltd. (Settlement Supplier / Mishor Adumim) 2
●RD Energy (Client – Alon Tavor) 28
●Arava Power (Equity Investment) 12
.Domain 4: Political & Ideological Ties (V-POL)
Goal: To evaluate the ideological alignment of Siemens’ leadership and the consistency (or lack thereof) in applying human rights policies across different conflict zones.
Evidence & Analysis:
The governance audit reveals a corporate identity that has weaponized “German Responsibility” to justify uncritical support for the Israeli state, leading to a catastrophic failure of ethical consistency.
●The “Safe Harbor” Hypocrisy (Russia vs. Israel):
○The Russia Precedent (2022): Following the invasion of Ukraine, Siemens executed a “total exit” from the Russian market. CEO Roland Busch called it a “turning point in history” and stated that “financial figures must take a back seat” to moral duty. The company took a €600 million hit and stopped servicing Russian trains.19
○The Israel Reality (2023-2024): During the Gaza genocide, which international courts have flagged for plausible violations of the Genocide Convention, Siemens did not exit. Instead, it expanded. CEO Roland Busch explicitly stated the company is “deeply rooted” in Israel.9
○Inference: This double standard proves that Siemens’ human rights due diligence is geopolitically stratified. Palestinian life does not trigger the “moral duty” clause. The company treats Israel as a “Safe Harbor” where normal ethical rules do not apply, prioritizing political alignment with the German/Western consensus over human rights risks.
●Chairman Snabe’s Wartime Advocacy:
○The Event: On September 1, 2024 (or shortly thereafter in Sept), amidst the devastation of Gaza, Chairman Jim Hagemann Snabe visited Tel Aviv to open trading at the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange (TASE) to launch the new futures market.5
○The Statement: Snabe declared the events of October 7 a “wake-up call on the importance of Israel” and explicitly urged: “There is no better time to invest in Israel”.5
○Impact: This was not a passive business trip; it was a high-level political intervention. By urging investment during the war, Snabe signaled to global markets that Siemens is underwriting the Israeli war economy. He effectively deployed Siemens’ reputational capital to normalize the conflict and stabilize the Israeli market during a crisis.
●Lobbying & “Brand Israel” Normalization:
○Siemens actively sponsors “Innovation Days” and participates in the Israel Innovation Authority’s “Fast Track” funding programs.27
○The Turkey Boycott Incident (2023): When German media reported that Siemens had signed a boycott-Israel clause to win a Turkish rail tender, the company issued a vigorous denial to avoid reputational damage in the West. The denial was framed not just as legal compliance, but as ideological loyalty, reiterating the “deeply rooted” narrative.9
Counter-Arguments & Assessment:
●Defense: Snabe’s visit was a show of solidarity with a long-term partner after a terror attack.
●Rebuttal: Solidarity with a state accused of genocide, while simultaneously ignoring the victims of that state’s military actions (40,000+ dead in Gaza at the time of the visit), is a political choice, not a neutral one. Urging investment during active hostilities constitutes material support for the aggressor’s economic resilience.
Analytical Assessment: High Confidence (Tier A). The leadership is ideologically captured. The “Safe Harbor” failure exposes a corporate culture where support for Israel is a moral imperative that overrides all other human rights considerations.
Named Entities / Evidence Map:
●Jim Hagemann Snabe (Chairman / TASE Visit) 5
●Roland Busch (CEO / “Deeply Rooted” Quote) 9
●TASE (Venue of Political Support) 5
●Next47 (Vehicle for Capital Support) 10
.5. BDS-1000 Classification
The BDS-1000 model requires a separate evaluation of the target’s complicity across four domains: Military (V-MIL), Digital (V-DIG), Economic (V-ECON), and Political (V-POL).
Results Summary:
●Tier: Tier A (Extreme Complicity)
●Justification summary: Siemens AG functions as a structural pillar of the Israeli state. Its “Upper-Extreme” score is driven by the sheer indispensability of its contributions: 40% of electricity generation (V-ECON), the engineering backbone of the IMOD (V-MIL), and the transport logistics of the occupation (V-ECON). The leadership’s active political advocacy during the Gaza war (V-POL) confirms intent alongside material support.
Domain Scoring Summary:
| Domain |
I (Impact) |
M (Magnitude) |
P (Proximity) |
V-Domain Score |
| Military (V-MIL) |
5.8 |
9.0 |
6.0 |
4.97 |
| Economic (V-ECON) |
9.3 |
9.8 |
9.2 |
9.30 |
| Digital (V-DIG) |
8.5 |
9.0 |
8.5 |
8.50 |
| Political (V-POL) |
7.2 |
8.0 |
9.0 |
7.20 |
V-Domain Calculations:
●Military (V-MIL):
(Note: Proximity is slightly reduced (6.0) due to the use of the McKit proxy, but Magnitude (9.0) is critical due to the systemic nature of Teamcenter/NX).
●Economic (V-ECON):
(Note: Extreme Impact (9.3) and Magnitude (9.8) reflect the indispensability of the power grid and railway infrastructure. Proximity is high (9.2) as Siemens is the direct manufacturer and maintenance provider).
●Digital (V-DIG):
(Note: High scores reflect the embedded nature of Claroty and the Unit 8200 integration).
●Political (V-POL):
(Note: Proximity is very high (9.0) as advocacy comes directly from the Board Chairman).
Final Composite Calculation:
Let:
BRS Score Formula:
Final Score: 840
Grade Classification:
Based on the score of 840, the company falls within:
●Tier A (800–1000): Extreme Complicity
.6. Recommended Action(s)
Based on the forensic audit and the Tier A classification, the following actions are recommended for civil society, institutional investors, and procurement bodies:
●Immediate Divestment: Institutional investors (pension funds, university endowments, sovereign wealth funds) must divest from Siemens AG and Siemens Energy AG. The company presents an acute ESG risk due to its failure of the “Safe Harbor” test and its exposure to legal liability under emerging supply chain due diligence laws (e.g., German LkSG) for sourcing from settlements (Extal).
●Consumer & Institutional Boycott: Public transport authorities globally should exclude Siemens Mobility from tenders. The company’s track record of building infrastructure on occupied land (A1 Line) and laundering settlement goods makes it a toxic partner for public procurement. The “Boycott Trains” campaign should be revitalized with the new evidence of the Extal settlement contract.
●Academic Campaigning (“Siemens Hall”): Student activists should target university buildings and partnerships named after or funded by Siemens (e.g., “Siemens Hall” at Cal Poly Humboldt). Demands should focus on severing research partnerships that feed into the military-industrial complex, specifically citing the Technion collaboration.
●Legal Action: Legal NGOs should investigate the liability of Siemens executives under German law for the “Extal” settlement transaction. Furthermore, the licensing of military software to the IMOD during active conflict (Nov 2023-June 2024) should be challenged as potential complicity in war crimes.
●Targeted Pressure on the Great Sea Interconnector: The EuroAsia/Great Sea Interconnector is a vulnerable chokepoint. Activists in Greece, Cyprus, and the EU should pressure their governments to halt funding for this project, citing Siemens’ role in connecting illegal settlements to the European grid.
.
Works cited
27.Siemens political Audit
