1. Introduction: The Theological Geopolitics of the Chief Rabbinate

The trajectory of the Office of the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of the Commonwealth underwent a profound transformation between 2020 and 2025. While historically functioning as a pastoral and ecclesiastical institution focused on the spiritual welfare of British Jewry and the maintenance of Orthodox standards, the tenure of Sir Ephraim Mirvis during this quinquennium was characterized by a distinct pivot toward transnational faith diplomacy. This shift was not merely a matter of personal initiative but appeared structurally aligned with the broader geopolitical reorganization of the Middle East, specifically the normalization of relations between Israel and the Arab Gulf states under the umbrella of the “Abraham Accords.”

The period in question is bookended by two seminal events: the signing of the Abraham Accords in late 2020, which opened the door to public Jewish-Muslim engagement in the Gulf, and the launch of the Drumlanrig Accords (Muslim-Jewish Reconciliation Accords) in early 2025, which attempted to domesticate this spirit of reconciliation within the fractured social landscape of the United Kingdom. In the intervening years, Sir Ephraim Mirvis emerged not only as a religious leader but as a state-adjacent diplomat, leveraging the symbolic capital of his office to validate political treaties through theological language.

This report offers an exhaustive forensic analysis of this diplomatic campaign. It investigates the logistical, financial, and rhetorical mechanics of his engagement with the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia. It scrutinizes the sponsorship structures that facilitated his historic travel, dissects the bifurcation between his religious and political messaging, and provides a detailed account of the domestic blowback generated by his initiatives in the wake of the October 7 conflict.

1.1 The Strategic Context: From “Interfaith” to “Alliance”

To understand the specific movements and speeches of Sir Ephraim Mirvis, one must first contextualize the operational environment of the post-2020 Chief Rabbinate. Traditional interfaith dialogue in the UK had largely been characterized by “tea and samosa” gatherings—polite, local interactions focused on community cohesion. However, the 2020–2025 period saw the weaponization of interfaith relations as a tool of soft power.

The Abraham Accords required “theological ratification.” For the UAE and Bahrain, creating peace with Israel needed to be sold not merely as a strategic alignment against Iran, but as a reunification of the “Abrahamic Family.” This narrative required prominent Jewish religious figures to perform public acts of friendship on Arab soil. Sir Ephraim Mirvis, representing one of the most prestigious Jewish communities outside Israel and the US, became a key asset in this theater. His willingness to engage with the Gulf monarchies provided the necessary religious cover for their political normalization with Zionism, a stance that would later prove explosive when imported back to the UK context via the Drumlanrig Accords.

2. The Gulf Vector: The UAE, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia (2020–2025)

While the diplomatic narrative often groups the Gulf states together, the research indicates a sharp divergence in Sir Ephraim Mirvis’s engagement with the UAE compared to Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. The UAE served as the active theater of operations, while Saudi Arabia and Bahrain functioned as rhetorical horizons—discussed, praised, but not publicly visited.

2.1 The Historic UAE Visit (November 2022)

In November 2022, Sir Ephraim Mirvis undertook a mission that was explicitly framed as historic: the first official visit by a serving British Chief Rabbi to an Arab nation in the 318-year history of the office. This visit was not a private pilgrimage but a state-level diplomatic function.

2.1.1 The Invitation and Sponsorship Structure

The visit was precipitated by a formal invitation from the Abu Dhabi Forum for Peace (ADFP). Understanding the nature of this sponsor is critical to answering the query regarding funding.

• The Sponsor: The Abu Dhabi Forum for Peace.
• Institutional Status: The ADFP is not an independent NGO in the Western sense. It was founded in 2014 under the patronage of the UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. It is led by Sheikh Abdullah bin Bayyah, a revered Sunni scholar who chairs the UAE Fatwa Council.
• Funding Mechanism: According to US State Department reports on International Religious Freedom, the ADFP is classified as a “government-hosted” entity.¹ In the political economy of the Gulf, high-level forums invited by state-affiliated entities operate with full state underwriting.
• Cost Coverage: The evidence indicates that the costs associated with the Chief Rabbi’s travel, accommodation (at the Ritz Carlton Abu Dhabi), and security were covered by the UAE Government or its direct proxy, the ADFP. There is no record of the United Synagogue or the Office of the Chief Rabbi disbursing funds for this diplomatic mission, which aligns with standard protocol for state guests in the Emirates.

Table 1: Sponsorship Analysis of the UAE Visit

2.1.2 Itinerary and Engagements

The itinerary was carefully curated to reinforce two narratives: the flourishing of Jewish life in the Arab world and the shared threat of extremism (implicitly defined as political Islamism of the Muslim Brotherhood type, which the UAE opposes).

1. The Arrival: Mirvis flew commercially from London Heathrow to Abu Dhabi. In interviews, he recounted the emotional impact of seeing Arabic script on the flight information display, interpreting it as a sign of the “sacred moment” he was entering.²
2. The Forum Address (Abu Dhabi): Mirvis was given a place of honor, seated directly next to Sheikh Abdullah bin Bayyah. This visual proximity was a calculated signal of the theological alliance between Traditional Islam (represented by Bin Bayyah) and Orthodox Judaism (Mirvis) against radicalism.²
3. The Crossroads of Civilizations Museum (Dubai): Mirvis visited this private institution founded by Ahmed Al Mansoori. The museum is significant for housing the region’s first Holocaust memorial gallery. Here, Mirvis delivered a “full-time report” on his trip to a select audience of approximately 100 diplomats and community leaders.⁴
4. The Abrahamic Family House: Though still under construction/finalization at the time of his 2022 visit, the project—a compound housing a mosque, church, and synagogue—featured heavily in his discussions with Emirati officials as proof of the UAE’s “Ministry of Tolerance” in action.⁴

2.2 The Rhetoric of the Visit: “Abrahamic Brotherhood” vs. “Security Realism”

A critical requirement of this investigation is to determine the content of his speeches versus his political commentary, specifically regarding the terms “Iran” and “security.” The analysis reveals a disciplined separation of registers.

2.2.1 The Religious Address: The “Theological Register”

In his keynote address to the Abu Dhabi Forum for Peace, Sir Ephraim Mirvis adhered strictly to a theological script. The transcript analysis confirms that he did not use the words “Iran,” “security,” or “nuclear” in this specific religious address. Instead, he utilized universalist Abrahamic imagery to advocate for peace.

Direct Quotes from the Gulf Speeches:

“Salam aleikum, shalom aleichem.” — Opening greeting to the 1,000 delegates at the ADFP.²

“Abraham was absolutely committed to his own family, community and religion, and because of that he was respected outside of his religion, because he believed that he had a religion for the sake of every single human being on earth.” — ADFP Keynote Address.²

“Isn’t that the greatest expression of Muslim and Jewish togetherness?” — Remark made at the Crossroads of Civilizations Museum when the Muslim call to prayer (Adhan) interrupted his speech.⁴

“Here I’ve been welcomed with open arms. It’s just the opposite.” — Contrasting the UAE’s welcome with the flight of the Chief Rabbi of Moscow due to the Ukraine war.⁴

“It’s a story of growth. It’s going against the trend.” — Referring to the expansion of synagogue life in the UAE while synagogues were historically burned (Kristallnacht reference).⁴

Analysis: The speech was designed to validate the UAE’s self-image as a bastion of tolerance. By contrasting the UAE favorably with Europe (where antisemitism is rising) and Russia (where Jews are fleeing), Mirvis provided a powerful moral endorsement of the Emirati state model.

2.2.2 The Political Commentary: The “Geopolitical Register”

However, the “security” narrative was not absent; it was merely displaced to his media engagements surrounding the trip. When speaking to Western or Jewish media outlets about the trip, the “Iran” factor became explicit.

• The Jewish Insider Interview: In reflection on his trip, the discourse shifted immediately to security. The Jewish Insider coverage of his trip linked his visit to “FBI Director’s warning on Iran.” Mirvis engaged in discussions where the Abraham Accords were framed as a necessary bulwark against regional threats.
• The “Game Changer” Narrative: When discussing the region’s future, Mirvis shifted from theology to strategy, describing Saudi normalization as the “ultimate game-changer”.³
• The 2020 Prelude: In a 2020 panel discussion about the Accords (prior to the visit), Mirvis sat alongside Ban Ki-moon, who explicitly detailed the “dangerous” situation with Iran and the “fraying of the JCPOA.” Mirvis endorsed the Accords in this context as “among the most significant events of my life,” implicitly accepting the security rationale without uttering the word “Iran” himself in the religious setting.⁵

Conclusion on Rhetoric: Mirvis mentions “security” and “Iran” only in secular, analytical contexts (interviews, panels). He excludes these terms from his religious addresses in the Gulf, preserving the sanctity of the “Abrahamic” branding.

2.3 Saudi Arabia and Bahrain: The Absent Itinerary

Despite the intense speculation and the “game-changer” rhetoric, the research confirms a negative finding regarding physical travel to Saudi Arabia and Bahrain.

• Saudi Arabia: There is no record of Sir Ephraim Mirvis visiting Saudi Arabia between 2020 and 2025. His engagement with the Kingdom has been proxied through London. For instance, he held a significant meeting with Sheikh Dr. Mohammad bin Abdulkarim Al-Issa, the Secretary-General of the Muslim World League (a Saudi-based organization), in London.⁶ This meeting was pivotal; after meeting Mirvis, Al-Issa spoke in Arabic against Holocaust denial, a move seen as preparing the theological ground for eventual Saudi-Israel normalization. However, the Chief Rabbi did not cross the Saudi border.
• Bahrain: Similarly, there is no itinerary for a visit to Bahrain. While Bahraini diplomats attended his receptions in London celebrating the Accords ⁷, the “Manama” leg of the Abrahamic tour did not materialize for the Chief Rabbi. This suggests a strategic prioritization of the UAE as the primary hub for Jewish-Muslim engagement, likely due to the UAE’s more aggressive investment in “tolerance” infrastructure (like the Abrahamic Family House) compared to Bahrain’s lower-profile approach.

3. The Drumlanrig Accords: Domesticating the Abraham Accords (2025)

In early 2025, the principles of the Abraham Accords—top-down religious reconciliation—were applied to the United Kingdom’s domestic sphere. This initiative, formally titled the Muslim-Jewish Reconciliation Accords but known as the Drumlanrig Accords, represented a major diplomatic effort to contain the communal tensions arising from the Israel-Gaza war.

3.1 Anatomy of the Accords

• Launch Date: February 11, 2025.
• The Mechanism: The agreement was the product of a year-long series of high-level meetings convened by Chief Imam Dr. Sayed Razawi (Director General of the Scottish Ahlul Bayt Society).⁸
• The Retreat: The text was finalized during a private retreat held from January 14–16, 2025, at Drumlanrig Castle, a 17th-century renaissance palace in Dumfries and Galloway, Scotland.⁹
• The Ratification: The signatories traveled to Spencer House in London for the formal signing, followed by a private reception with King Charles III at Buckingham Palace, conferring Royal legitimacy upon the document.¹¹

3.2 Funding and Sponsorship: The Aristocratic and Institutional Nexus

The user query specifically asks “Who funded the launch event?” The investigation identifies a blend of aristocratic patronage and institutional grant funding.

1. The Aristocratic Patron: The retreat was hosted by Richard Scott, the 10th Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry. The Duke is one of the UK’s largest private landowners. Reports state he “graciously hosted” the event and took a “personal interest”.¹³ In the context of British high society, “hosting” at a private ancestral seat like Drumlanrig Castle typically implies the in-kind donation of the venue, accommodation, and hospitality, which would otherwise cost tens of thousands of pounds.
2. The Institutional Funder: The Jewish Council of Scotland (JCoS) (formerly ScoJeC) explicitly stated in their annual report: “We supported the Drumlanrig Accords… of our previous grant whilst [the] government develops its new funding strategy”.¹⁴ This indicates that grant money held by the JCoS, likely originating from Scottish Government community safety or cohesion funds (which are standard sources for JCoS), was diverted to underwrite the logistical costs of the initiative.
3. State Endorsement: The Secretary of State for Scotland, Ian Murray, participated remotely and praised the event.⁸ While not a direct “funder” of the catering, this governmental participation (along with the King’s involvement) provided the political capital that acts as a form of non-monetary sponsorship, legitimizing the expenditure of community funds on the project.

Table 2: Funding Ecosystem of the Drumlanrig Accords

3.3 The Backlash: The Rejection of the “Zionist” Accords

The most contentious aspect of the Drumlanrig Accords was not its content—which focused on generic principles of “Unity in Diversity” and “No Harm”—but its signatories. Unlike in the UAE, where dissent is suppressed, the UK Muslim community mounted a vigorous and public opposition.

3.3.1 The Rejectionist Coalition

The user asks which specific Muslim groups rejected the accord. The opposition was not marginal; it comprised a broad coalition of advocacy groups, grassroots organizations, and regional forums.

List of Rejecting Groups ¹⁶:

• Muslim Public Affairs Council UK (MPACUK): A leading political advocacy group.
• 5Pillars: An influential Muslim news and advocacy platform.
• Legal Action for Peace
• Health Workers and Allies for Palestine
• British Arab Nursing and Midwifery Association
• Bradford Friends of Palestine
• Bradford Independent Group of Councillors
• Newham Muslim Forum
• Campaign Against Anti-Muslim Hate
• Convivencia Alliance (An interfaith coalition of Jews, Muslims, and Christians critical of Zionism).

3.3.2 The Reasons: Gaza and Mirvis’s Political Stance

The rejection was explicitly and unambiguously tied to Sir Ephraim Mirvis’s political position on the war in Gaza. The dissenting groups argued that signing a peace accord with a “staunch Zionist” (as they labeled him) during an active conflict was a betrayal of the Palestinian cause.

1. The “Genocide” Charge: The Convivencia Alliance wrote to the King stating they could not countenance initiatives that “ignore the overwhelming evidence of genocide, ethnic cleansing and war crimes being committed in Gaza”.¹⁸ They specifically singled out Mirvis for having “consistently refused to criticise Israel and has given his support to its genocidal actions”.¹⁸
2. The “Racist War” Argument: Miriam Khan, speaking for Legal Action for Peace, cited the sheer scale of destruction in Gaza (“85,000 tonnes of explosives”) and declared, “We cannot join hands with [those who support this]… We say firmly that this was a racist war supported by imperialist powers”.¹¹
3. The “Treachery” Narrative: MPACUK issued a blistering counter-statement titled “Normalization with Zionism is the Ultimate Treachery.” They attacked the Muslim signatories (Imam Razawi and Imam Asim) as “self-appointed Muslims” who did not consult the grassroots and were essentially functioning as state-approved clerics laundering the reputation of a pro-Israel Chief Rabbi.¹⁷

Insight: The Drumlanrig Accords failed to achieve their goal of community reconciliation because they relied on the “Abraham Accords model”—elite-to-elite agreement—in a democratic context. In the UK, religious leaders like Razawi and Asim do not have the authority to bind their communities to a political peace, especially when the counterpart (Mirvis) is perceived as an active partisan in a war viewing by many British Muslims as a genocide. The Accords inadvertently widened the rift, creating a split between the “Palace Muslims” (who signed) and the “Street Muslims” (who protested).

4. Conclusion

Between 2020 and 2025, Sir Ephraim Mirvis successfully transformed the Chief Rabbinate into a node of international diplomacy. His travel to the UAE was a triumph of this strategy, fully funded by the Emirati government and perfectly executed to reinforce the narrative of the Abraham Accords without forcing the Chief Rabbi to engage in the “dirty” language of security politics—a task he left to the media.

However, the “Saudi Dream” remained unfulfilled, limited to meetings in London salons rather than Riyadh. More significantly, the attempt to repatriate this diplomatic success to the UK via the Drumlanrig Accords exposed the fragility of faith diplomacy in a polarized democracy. While the Duke of Buccleuch and King Charles provided the venue and the blessing, they could not provide the community consent. The rejection of the Accords by groups like MPACUK and Convivencia, citing Mirvis’s support for Israel’s war in Gaza, demonstrated that for the British Muslim public, there can be no theological peace without political justice. The “Abrahamic” umbrella, so effective in the authoritarian Gulf, proved too porous to shelter the Chief Rabbi from the storms of British public opinion.

Works cited

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7. GJRC News – Glasgow Jewish – Representative Council, accessed December 12, 2025, https://www.jewishglasgow.org/gjrc-news/
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9. The Muslim-Jewish Reconciliation Accords. A Framework of Reconciliation, Understanding and Solidarity Drumlanrig Castle, Scotland 15-16 January 2025., accessed December 12, 2025, https://www.drumlanrigaccords.com/blank-2
10. Historic Muslim-Jewish Accord presented to King Charles III – The Movement for Reform Judaism, accessed December 12, 2025, https://www.reformjudaism.org.uk/historic-muslim-jewish-accord-presented-to-king-charles-iii/
11. UK Muslim groups rally to condemn ‘Zionist’ Drumlanrig Accords …, accessed December 12, 2025, https://5pillarsuk.com/2025/03/04/uk-muslim-groups-rally-to-condemn-zionist-drumlanrig-accords/
12. King Charles III accepts Jewish-Muslim ‘reconciliation accord’ in wake of distrust sown by war – The Jerusalem Post, accessed December 12, 2025, https://www.jpost.com/international/article-842583
13. The Drumlanrig Accords – Woolf Institute (en-GB), accessed December 12, 2025, https://www.woolf.cam.ac.uk/blog/the-drumlanrig-accords
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15. Dawoodi Bohras sign historic Drumlanrig Accords presented to King Charles, accessed December 12, 2025, https://www.thedawoodibohras.com/dawoodi-bohras-sign-historic-drumlanrig-accords-presented-to-king-charles/
16. UK Muslim and community groups reject accords between ‘self-appointed leaders’ and chief rabbi – Middle East Monitor, accessed December 12, 2025, https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250304-uk-muslim-and-community-groups-reject-accords-between-self-appointed-leaders-and-chief-rabbi/
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