BDS-1000 Dossier: Ferrari

Key Findings

• Settlements/Political: In November 2017, roughly twenty Ferrari vehicles were parked in the Western Wall plaza in Jerusalem’s Old City during a company anniversary tour - an event the site’s own rabbi called a “grave, unfortunate error” that led the Western Wall Heritage Foundation to bar future commercial use of the plaza.¹²
• Digital: Ferrari’s in-cabin technology supplier, Harman International, conducts relevant R&D at Harman Israel (Hod HaSharon), and Israeli technology press describes Ferrari as putting “Israel-made Harman components in the cabin” - a customer-side, second-tier nexus rather than a direct Israeli-vendor relationship.³⁴
• Economic: Ferrari holds no owned entity in Israel; its entire market presence runs through an independent, Israeli-owned importer/dealer chain - Samelet Motors, Auto Italia (Israel) Ltd., and retailer Mediterranean Car Agency Ltd. in Herzliya.⁵⁶
• Not found: Ferrari does not appear in Israel’s SIBAT defence-supplier directory or the UN OHCHR business-and-human-rights database, and no contract, dual-use product line, or defence-industry relationship was identified.⁷⁸

Target Profile

Key Facts:

• Exor N.V., Ferrari’s controlling shareholder, separately holds an 18% stake (€523 million at mid-2023 valuation) in Via Transportation, an Israeli-founded, Talpiot-alumni-founded mobility-technology company - an Exor-level holding not attributable to Ferrari N.V. itself.¹⁴¹⁵
• Ferrari has been independently listed since its 2015–2016 spin-off from Fiat Chrysler Automobiles and shares no manufacturing, IT systems, or commercial operations with sibling Exor-controlled companies (Stellantis, CNH Industrial, Iveco Group).¹⁶¹⁷

Executive Summary

Ferrari N.V. is a Dutch-incorporated, Italian-headquartered luxury automaker controlled by the Agnelli family through Exor N.V. and by Piero Ferrari. Across four independent domain audits - military, digital, economic, and political - the documented Israel/Palestine nexus is thin, arm’s-length, and concentrated almost entirely in the commercial and reputational registers rather than the security or supply-chain registers. Ferrari itself, as an operating company, has no identified defence contract, dual-use product line, or supply relationship with the Israeli state, military, or defence industry; the one historical exception, a discontinued 1980s armoured-vehicle prototype, carries no Israel connection at all.^7181920

The strongest documented vectors are political and, to a lesser extent, digital and economic. Politically, Ferrari staged a one-off 2017 promotional display of company vehicles in the Western Wall plaza in Jerusalem’s Old City, an event criticised by the site’s own religious authority and followed by tightened rules against commercial use of the plaza; separately, Ferrari’s regulatory filings mention the “Israel-Hamas” conflict only as a generic macroeconomic risk to luxury demand, with no humanitarian statement comparable to Ferrari’s dated, named response to the Russia-Ukraine war.^12102122 Digitally, Ferrari’s in-cabin technology supplier, Harman International, conducts relevant engineering at an Israeli R&D centre, giving Ferrari a genuine but second-tier, customer-side nexus to Israeli-origin technology.³⁴²³ Economically, Ferrari’s Israel presence is limited to an independent, Israeli-owned importer/dealer chain (Samelet Motors / Auto Italia / Mediterranean Car Agency) operating wholly within Israel’s internationally recognised 1967 borders, with Ferrari holding no equity, facility, or workforce in the country.⁵⁶²⁴²⁵

What is not supported by evidence is at least as significant as what is. Ferrari does not appear in Israel’s SIBAT defence-supplier directory, the UN OHCHR Database of Business Enterprises, the UN Special Rapporteur’s 2025 “economy of genocide” report, PAX’s list of arms majors supplying Israel, or the BDS movement’s corporate-priority-targeting guide.^78262728 Documented findings involving CNH Industrial’s construction machinery in West Bank settlement activity, and an Exor board member’s chairmanship of Iveco Group’s now-divested military-vehicle division, attach to separate companies one or two corporate tiers removed from Ferrari under Exor’s shared ownership umbrella - not to Ferrari N.V. itself.^29303132

This evidentiary profile - a null military record, a single second-tier digital nexus, an arm’s-length economic footprint, and a modest but real political-reputational record - produces a BRS of 69, placing Ferrari in Tier E (Minimal). The score is driven almost entirely by the Political domain (V=0.98), the dossier’s ceiling vector, reflecting the Western Wall incident and the asymmetry between Ferrari’s Ukraine response and its silence on Gaza, while the Military domain records a floor of zero.

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

Ferrari N.V. is incorporated in Amsterdam and dual-listed on the NYSE and Borsa Italiana, with operational headquarters and manufacturing in Maranello, Italy.⁹¹⁰ It has been independently listed since its 2015–2016 spin-off from Fiat Chrysler Automobiles, sharing no manufacturing, IT systems, or commercial operations with other Exor-controlled companies.¹⁶¹⁷ Its controlling shareholder is Exor N.V., the Agnelli family holding company chaired by John Elkann; Piero Ferrari, son of founder Enzo Ferrari, is the second-largest shareholder and Vice-Chairman.¹¹¹²

Ferrari holds no owned subsidiary in Israel. Its market presence runs through an independent, Israeli-owned commercial chain: Samelet Motors Ltd. (founded 1946), which built full ownership of importer Auto Italia (Israel) Ltd. by 2019, and retail dealer Mediterranean Car Agency Ltd. in Herzliya.^5242565051

Two distinctions are material to avoiding transitive attribution. First, CNH Industrial - maker of CASE, New Holland, and Steyr equipment - is a separate company under Exor’s shared ~29% controlling stake, extensively documented by Who Profits and AFSC Investigate for heavy machinery in West Bank settlement, separation-barrier, and demolition activity (most recently in Hebron Governorate on 8 April 2025); this is a CNH Industrial finding, not a Ferrari finding, as the companies share no operations beyond Exor’s ownership and Agnelli-family board presence.²⁹³⁰ Second, a wholly unrelated company also called “Ferrari Group” (ferrarigroup.net), an Italian/Euronext-Amsterdam-listed logistics and shipping firm founded in 1959 with its own Israel office, is a distinct legal entity from Ferrari N.V. and should not be conflated with it.⁵²

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

Ferrari itself presents no identified defence-contracting mechanism toward Israel. Ferrari does not appear among the manufacturers, importers, or agents listed in Israel’s SIBAT Defense and HLS Directory, the Ministry of Defense’s register of approved defence and homeland-security suppliers.⁷ Ferrari’s only historical foray into military hardware is the Ferrari Engineering-built F333E “Lizard” light armoured vehicle, a private-venture prototype first completed in 1980, with roughly fifteen pre-production units built by 1983; the programme reportedly failed commercially, a small number of units are said to have gone to an unnamed Arab head of state, and no Israel connection has been identified for it at any point - the line has been dormant since the 1980s.¹⁸¹⁹²⁰

Separately, CNH Industrial - a company under the same controlling shareholder, Exor N.V., but sharing no manufacturing, IT systems, or commercial operations with Ferrari - is extensively documented for heavy machinery used in West Bank settlement and demolition activity.²⁹³⁰ This is a CNH Industrial finding, not a Ferrari finding.¹⁶¹⁷

The most substantive defence-adjacent link in Ferrari’s wider corporate family sits one holding-company tier above Ferrari itself: Alessandro Nasi, Vice Chairman of Exor N.V. and an Agnelli-family member, chaired the boards of Iveco Defence Vehicles and Astra - Iveco Group’s military-vehicle division and a manufacturer of military vehicles - from 2019 until its sale closed in March 2026; Nasi does not sit on Ferrari’s own board.^31325312 That division was sold by Iveco Group to Leonardo S.p.A. for €1.6 billion (announced 30 July 2025, completed 18 March 2026), reported as a precondition of Tata Motors’ takeover of Iveco Group’s civilian truck business and described by commentators as ending the Agnelli family’s decades-long presence in truck and military-vehicle manufacturing.^4547484654 No Israel nexus has been identified for Iveco Defence Vehicles/Astra, and no evidence identifies any Ferrari-level relationship with Israeli defence primes or Iron Dome’s documented suppliers.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Ferrari’s defence-sector case is essentially null at the operating-company level: no contract, tender, dual-use product line, export licence, or supply-chain relationship with any Israeli military or security body has been identified, and Ferrari’s own board and executive roster - including CEO Benedetto Vigna and Board Chair Nigel Paxman, whose prior career included Israel-headquartered logistics firm Malca-Amit in a non-defence, precious-metals capacity - carries no identified defence-industry or FIDF affiliation.⁷¹²¹³ The one historical military product, the F333E, is a discontinued 1980s prototype with no Israel connection ever identified.¹⁸¹⁹²⁰ The CNH Industrial and Iveco Defence Vehicles findings, while real and well documented, attach to separate Exor-controlled companies one or two corporate tiers removed from Ferrari N.V.; under a no-transitive-guilt standard, neither is properly counted as a Ferrari finding.^29303132 No UN or civil-society database reviewed - the OHCHR Business Database, Who Profits, PAX, or the UN Special Rapporteur’s 2025 report - lists Ferrari on defence-sector grounds; a single Who Profits search hit for “Ferrari” is a confirmed false positive for an unrelated furniture brand.^855262756

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Exor N.V. - controlling shareholder; no direct defence-industry tie identified.¹⁶
• Alessandro Nasi - Exor Vice Chairman; ex-chair of Iveco Defence Vehicles/Astra; not a Ferrari board member.³¹³²
• Iveco Defence Vehicles/Astra - military-vehicle manufacturer, sold to Leonardo S.p.A. (2025–2026); no Israel link identified.⁴⁵⁴⁷⁵³
• CNH Industrial - sibling Exor company; documented West Bank machinery use; not a Ferrari entity.²⁹³⁰
• F333E “Lizard” - discontinued 1980s prototype; no Israel connection at any point.¹⁸¹⁹²⁰
• SIBAT registry - Ferrari absent.⁷

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

Ferrari’s technology stack is built almost entirely on US-domiciled vendors in a customer role: AWS as official cloud/ML/AI provider since June 2021 across road-car, GT, and F1 operations;³⁵³⁶ IBM as Official Fan Engagement and Data Analytics Partner from November 2024;⁴⁰⁴¹ HP Inc. as F1 title partner (“Scuderia Ferrari HP”) from April 2024;³⁹ Qualcomm for the Snapdragon Digital Chassis;⁵⁷ and DXC Technology for in-car infotainment software.⁵⁸ Ferrari’s cybersecurity partner is Bitdefender, a Romanian-domiciled firm, deployed since 2023 and extended in 2025.⁴²⁴³ The one relationship with a genuine Israeli R&D dimension is in-cabin technology procured from Harman International (US-domiciled, a Samsung subsidiary), including the Harman Ready Care driver-monitoring system; Harman’s relevant in-cabin and over-the-air engineering is substantially conducted at Harman Israel (Hod HaSharon, formerly Red Bend Software), and Israeli technology press describes Ferrari as putting “Israel-made Harman components in the cabin.”²³³⁴ This is recorded as a customer-side procurement from a US-domiciled supplier whose engineering is partly Israeli - a real but second-tier nexus. Ferrari’s connected-vehicle platform, MyFerrari Connect, runs on AWS’s Milan region backend, with no Israeli-origin telematics vendor identified.⁵⁹

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence identifies Ferrari holding any licensing, subscription, or managed-services relationship with an Israeli-domiciled cybersecurity or enterprise vendor (Check Point, NICE, CyberArk, Cognyte), nor with Israeli-founded but foreign-domiciled firms (SentinelOne, Verint, Claroty, Wiz). Project Nimbus, the Israeli government’s AWS/Google cloud contract, does not involve Ferrari, which is an unrelated AWS commercial customer with no data-sovereignty or infrastructure-provider role toward any state.⁶⁰ Ferrari does not appear in a review of automaker R&D centres established in Israel between 2008 and 2019, unlike peers such as GM, BMW, Ford, and Volkswagen.⁶¹ Ferrari’s own March 2023 ransomware breach was suffered by Ferrari as the victim, with no Israeli-origin vendor identified in its remediation, and has no nexus to provision of technology to Israel.³⁷³⁸ Two Israel-facing technology activities in the wider corporate family - Exor’s direct investments in Israeli startups and Stellantis’s 2021 memorandum of understanding with the Israel Innovation Authority - are acts of separate, sibling entities not attributable to Ferrari.⁶²⁶³ No organised BDS technology campaign, which targets cloud and defence suppliers over Project Nimbus and related contracts, names Ferrari.⁶⁴

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• AWS, IBM, HP, Qualcomm, DXC - US-domiciled vendors, customer relationships only.^{35364041395758}
• Bitdefender - Romanian-domiciled cybersecurity partner.⁴²⁴³
• Harman International / Harman Israel - US-domiciled Tier-1 supplier with Israeli in-cabin R&D; the dossier’s clearest documented digital-nexus point.²³³⁴
• Project Nimbus - no Ferrari involvement identified.⁶⁰
• Exor N.V. / Stellantis - sibling-entity Israeli tech engagements, not attributable to Ferrari.⁶²⁶³

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

Ferrari holds no owned subsidiary, factory, or facility in Israel; its Israel-market presence runs entirely through an independent, Israeli-owned importer/dealer chain.⁶⁵⁵¹ Samelet Motors Ltd., a privately held Israeli company founded in 1946, built full ownership of Auto Italia (Israel) Ltd. in stages - jointly owned with Kardan Vehicle Ltd./Alon Group from 2011–2012, a 25% stake purchase from Kardan in 2014, and Universal Motors Israel’s transfer of its remaining 75% interest in August 2019 - giving Samelet full ownership by year-end 2019.⁵²⁴²⁵ Retail distribution runs through Mediterranean Car Agency Ltd., the Herzliya-based authorised dealer, and the same network has historically also promoted Maserati in Israel, including at a 2012 Tel Aviv event.⁶⁵⁰³³ Ferrari’s in-cabin supplier, Harman International - which also supplied Ferrari’s California T infotainment system from 2013 - has documented Israeli-origin automotive-technology acquisitions (Red Bend, TowerSec, iOnRoad), and Israeli press has linked “Israel-made” Harman components to Ferrari cabins, though a direct causal link to specific in-cabin hardware could not be confirmed at the component level.^6667683 Ferrari’s Form 20-F filings (FY2023, FY2024) list the “Israel-Hamas” conflict as a macroeconomic risk factor to luxury demand, grouping Israel within an undifferentiated “Middle East” reporting region representing roughly 5% of Ferrari’s business, with the Samelet relationship evidenced as ongoing through 2025–2026 reporting and no disclosed discontinuation.¹⁰ Exor N.V., Ferrari’s controlling shareholder, separately holds an ~18% stake in Via Transportation, an Israeli-founded mobility company - an Exor-level, not Ferrari-level, financial exposure.¹⁴¹⁵

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence identifies Ferrari acquiring or controlling any Israeli manufacturer, brand, or technology company, or holding Israeli-domiciled shares, sovereign bonds, or Israel-focused funds.¹⁶ No Ferrari-owned factory, data centre, or real estate exists in Israel or the occupied territories, and Ferrari is absent from industry surveys of automotive R&D centres established in Israel, unlike peers including GM, BMW, Ford, and Volkswagen.⁶¹ Ferrari’s importer/dealer chain operates entirely within Israel’s internationally recognised 1967 borders, with no Ferrari-authorised dealer, showroom, or reseller identified in a West Bank settlement, East Jerusalem, or the Golan Heights.⁵⁶²⁴²⁵ Ferrari’s own precedent - its March 2022 halt of Russian-market production and $1 million Ukraine pledge - has no equivalent Israel/Gaza market action identified.²¹²² Ferrari, Exor, and Piero Ferrari do not appear in the OHCHR business-and-human-rights database or the UN Special Rapporteur’s July 2025 “economy of genocide” report.⁸²⁶ A separate, unrelated logistics company using the “Ferrari Group” name and maintaining an Israel office should not be conflated with Ferrari N.V.⁵²

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Samelet Motors Ltd. / Auto Italia (Israel) Ltd. - Israeli-owned importer, sole Israel-market channel.⁵²⁴²⁵
• Mediterranean Car Agency Ltd. - Herzliya retail dealer.⁶⁵⁰
• Harman International - in-cabin technology supplier with Israeli-origin acquisitions.^6667683
• Exor N.V. - controlling shareholder; separate Via Transportation stake.¹⁴¹⁵
• November 2017 Western Wall event - one-off promotional incident in contested territory, not a commercial operation.¹²

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

Ferrari’s only documented corporate act in contested territory is the November 2017 event in which roughly twenty Ferrari vehicles were brought into the Western Wall plaza in Jerusalem’s Old City during a 70th-anniversary tour, coordinated locally by then-importer Auto Italia; the Western Wall Rabbi stated the request had been mistakenly approved by a junior Foundation official, and the Foundation subsequently barred commercial use of the site.¹² Ferrari’s only reference to the Israel-Palestine conflict in its own disclosures is the SEC Form 20-F risk-factor listing of the “Israel-Hamas” conflict as a macroeconomic risk to luxury demand, framed purely as a business-continuity matter with no humanitarian statement.¹⁰ This contrasts with Ferrari’s named, dated response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine - a March 2022 corporate statement, a €1 million Red Cross/UNHCR donation, and suspension of Russian-market production, with CEO Benedetto Vigna quoted directly - for which no comparable Israel-Palestine equivalent has been identified.²¹²² The Ferrari Owners’ Club Israel, founded in 2020 under Ferrari’s official owners’-club framework, and a May 2026 disability-charity event at Jerusalem’s Shalva National Center, are documented as social/philanthropic programming with no political-advocacy content identified.³⁴⁴⁹

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Ferrari is registered on the EU Transparency Register with declared lobbying interests confined to automotive policy (CO2 standards, e-fuels, mobility, trade) in the €300,000–399,999 annual-cost band; no Israel, Palestine, Middle East, BDS, or arms-related interest is registered.⁶⁹ Ferrari does not appear in the BDS National Committee’s “Corporate Priority Targeting” guide or the US Campaign for Palestinian Rights consumer-boycott list, both of which concentrate on technology, defence, and settlement-linked sectors.²⁸⁷⁰ No public evidence identifies Ferrari accepting Israeli state honours, hosting Israeli officials in a formal institutional capacity, or partnering with Israeli state or parastatal bodies; Ferrari’s brand heritage draws on Formula 1 and Italian craftsmanship, with no Israeli military or state-security association identified.⁹ Executive Chairman John Elkann’s January 2025 election to Meta’s board is held in his personal capacity, not as a Ferrari corporate act, and no Ferrari-attributable Meta content-policy decision has been identified.⁴⁴ Scuderia Ferrari driver Lewis Hamilton’s personal Gaza-related humanitarian advocacy (Red Cross visits and donations) is conducted through his own platform, with no evidence of Ferrari corporately amplifying, endorsing, or distancing itself from it.⁷¹ The most material Israel-facing investment in Ferrari’s ownership sphere - Exor’s ~18% stake in Via Transportation - is an owner-level holding that does not appear in Ferrari’s consolidated accounts and is not a Ferrari decision.¹⁴¹⁵

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Western Wall plaza incident (Nov 2017) - one-off promotional event, publicly criticised, no repetition since.¹²
• Ferrari Owners’ Club Israel - Ferrari-recognised social/philanthropic club, founded 2020.³⁴⁴⁹
• John Elkann - Executive Chairman; Meta board seat held personally.⁴⁴
• Lewis Hamilton - driver; personal Gaza humanitarian advocacy, not attributed to Ferrari.⁷¹
• Exor N.V. - Via Transportation stake, owner-level not Ferrari-level.¹⁴¹⁵

BDS-1000 Score (V4)

• V_MAX: 0.98 Sum_OTHERS: 0.63
• BRS Score: 69 Tier: E (Minimal)

V_MAX is set by Political (0.98), driven by the documented Western Wall plaza incident and the absence of any Ferrari statement on the Gaza war set against its dated Ukraine-war response; Economic (0.54) reflects the arm’s-length, independent-importer economic footprint; Digital (0.09) reflects a single, second-tier customer-side digital nexus via an Israeli-founded supplier’s components; Military is a documented zero. The composite BRS of 69 (Tier E, Minimal) reflects a scale-free, evidence-only aggregation across the four vetted domain scores, with no domain approaching a systemic or high-severity nexus.

Methodology Note

• Every claim in this dossier traces to the four domain audits (Military, Digital, Economic, Political); where those audits’ checks found nothing, this dossier states “No public evidence identified” rather than inferring a connection.
• Scoring is scale-free: Impact (I) reflects the type of activity involved, Magnitude (M) reflects its documented scale, and Proximity (P) reflects how direct the link to Israeli military, security, or state conduct is.
• A temporal-mitigation rule applies: divested, exited, or discontinued operations (e.g., the dormant 1980s F333E prototype, the 2025–2026 Iveco Defence Vehicles/Astra sale) are treated as mitigated rather than counted at full current weight.
• Entity attribution follows a no-transitive-guilt standard: findings against sibling or parent-level entities (CNH Industrial, Iveco Group, Exor N.V., Stellantis) are recorded and flagged but not counted as Ferrari N.V.’s own footprint absent a direct operational link.
• Settlement-linked commercial operations, where documented, are dual-counted across Economic and Political to capture both their economic and political-reputational character; no such operation was found for Ferrari itself.
• Caveats carried in the source audits (unverified, unresolved, low-confidence, or “false positive”) are preserved verbatim in this dossier and are not hardened into firmer claims.

End Notes