INDEX / DIRECTORY / SUBARU

Subaru

Car Manufacturers 82 CITED SOURCES UPDATED 2026-06-16
BDS-1000 Score 142 /1000 E Tier E - Limited
Military ↗ 0.00 Digital ↗ 0.00 Economic ↗ 1.38 Political ↗ 2.00

BDS-1000 Dossier - Subaru Corporation (TYO: 7270)

Target Profile

FieldDetail
Company NameSubaru Corporation (株式会社SUBARU); predecessor Fuji Heavy Industries, Ltd. (富士重工業株式会社)
JurisdictionJapan (Japanese-domiciled corporation)
HeadquartersEbisu Subaru Building, 1-20-8 Ebisu, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo, Japan
SectorAutomotive manufacturing (passenger vehicles, light commercial) and Aerospace (defence and commercial aviation components)
OwnershipPublicly listed Japanese corporation (TSE: 7270); largest single shareholder Toyota Motor Corporation (~20.4%); remaining capital held by Japanese and international institutional and retail investors via TSE free float12
Key Executives / GovernanceAtsushi Osaki (Representative Director, President & CEO); Fumiaki Hayata (Chairman from April 2026); Tomomi Nakamura (former Chairman)
Israeli-Nexus SummarySubaru vehicles are sold in Israel through the independent third-party importer Samelet Motors; the company has no identified Israeli defence, digital, settlement, or political-partnership nexus.

Executive Summary

Subaru Corporation is a Japanese automotive and aerospace manufacturer whose documented Israel/Palestine nexus is overwhelmingly commercial and historical rather than strategic. The company has no identified direct or indirect defence contracting relationship with the Israeli Ministry of Defence, the IDF, or any Israeli security or intelligence body34. Its defence business is conducted exclusively with Japan’s Ministry of Defence under the Japan–US alliance framework, covering platforms such as the UH-2 utility helicopter, F-15J airframe components, the T-7 trainer, and OH-1 observation-helicopter components56. No Israeli defence prime, no Israeli strategic platform, and no Israeli settlement-infrastructure contract has been linked to Subaru in any reviewed source.

The strongest documented vectors are economic and political-historical. Economically, Subaru has maintained a continuous commercial presence in the Israeli passenger-vehicle market since 1968–1969, currently through the independent Israeli importer Samelet Motors (which acquired the prior importer Japanauto in 2013)75. Politically, Subaru’s historical decision to disregard the Arab League boycott made it, for roughly two decades, the only Japanese marque openly sold in Israel, and trade press has framed it as “the people’s car of Israel” in that era8910. A 2011 social-media advertising controversy attributed to the local importer’s Facebook page - referencing a settler-vehicle incident - was repudiated by Subaru-Israel and removed2. A 2016 NAJAT report alleging that Fuji Heavy Industries (Subaru) was among three Japanese firms approached regarding a Japan–Israel joint military-drone development project remains unverified: Subaru did not respond to the allegations, no Israeli counterparty was named, and no completed contract has been documented11.

What is not supported by the evidence is equally important. There is no documented Israeli defence contract, no Israeli cybersecurity or surveillance vendor relationship, no Israeli R&D presence, no Israeli acquisition or investment, no settlement-located Subaru facility, no Israeli state ownership or governance linkage, no political donation to Israeli state-aligned bodies, no lobbying on Israel-Palestine policy, and no organised BDS campaign targeting Subaru8931111213141516. The audits’ “No public evidence identified” findings are pervasive across Military, Digital, and most of Political.

The resulting score is BRS 142, Tier E (Minimal), with V_MAX = 2.00 (Political) and Sum_OTHERS = 1.38 (Economic). The dossier’s evidentiary record is dominated by absence-of-finding rather than positive complicity findings.

Timeline of Relevant Events

DateEvent
1917Research laboratory of Chikuhei Nakajima founded; becomes Nakajima Aircraft Company, a major pre-WWII and WWII Japanese military aircraft manufacturer1710
1953-07-15Five successor companies merge to form Fuji Heavy Industries, Ltd.1712
1968–1969Fuji Heavy Industries begins exporting Subaru vehicles to Israel via the importer Japanauto; becomes the first Japanese carmaker to openly sell in Israel, disregarding the Arab League boycott8910
1971Jerusalem Subaru showroom and garage opened by Japanauto6
1970s–1980sJapanauto reportedly holds ~50% of the Israeli car market; cumulative Subaru imports since 1968 reach ~380,000 vehicles8910
1987Subaru reportedly sells more than 20,000 vehicles in Israel (population ~4.3 million)1018
1988-03-09Jewish Telegraphic Agency dispatch records Fuji Heavy Industries as the only Japanese carmaker openly exporting to Israel18
1991Toyota enters the Israeli market, reported in the press as a sign of a weakening Arab boycott912
1998Gad Zeevi Group acquires Japanauto89
2005Toyota acquires initial ~8.7% stake in Fuji Heavy Industries12
2010-10East Jerusalem incident in which settler David Be’eri strikes two Palestinian children with his Subaru vehicle2
2011-04Image referencing the Be’eri incident appears on Subaru-Israel Facebook page; PA spokesperson condemns; Subaru-Israel denies responsibility and removes the image2
2012-12Gad Zeevi-controlled companies sell Japanauto Holdings to Shimon Barzilay in a debt-assumption transaction estimated at NIS 110–160 million8
2013Samelet Motors acquires Japanauto and becomes the official Subaru representative in Israel75
2014Japanese Cabinet relaxes weapons-export and joint-development restrictions11
2016-10Network against Japan Arms Trade (NAJAT) reports that Fuji Heavy Industries (Subaru), NEC, and Mitsubishi Electric were approached by Japanese authorities regarding a reported Japan–Israel joint military-drone development project; Subaru and NEC do not respond11
2017-04-01Fuji Heavy Industries renamed Subaru Corporation1712
2019Toyota increases its stake in Subaru to ~20.42%12
2022-07-20Subaru issues a named, dated statement suspending exports to Russia following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine19
2023-06Atsushi Osaki appointed Representative Director, President and CEO of Subaru Corporation2021
2025-09OHCHR database of business enterprises involved in activities related to Israeli settlements (158 enterprises) does not include Subaru311
2026-04Fumiaki Hayata succeeds as Chairman of Subaru Corporation1720

Corporate Overview

Subaru Corporation is a Japanese-founded and Japanese-domiciled automotive and aerospace manufacturer, legally headquartered in Ebisu, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo, and listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange (ticker 7270)617. The company traces its corporate lineage to the Nakajima Aircraft Company (research laboratory founded 1917), which became a primary manufacturer of aircraft for Japan’s Army and Navy before and during World War II; after Japan’s surrender Nakajima was dissolved, and in 1953 five successor companies merged to form Fuji Heavy Industries, Ltd., renamed Subaru Corporation on 1 April 2017171012.

The corporation operates two principal business segments. The automotive segment manufactures passenger vehicles (Forester, Outback, XV/Crosstrek, Impreza) and light commercial vehicles, with assembly concentrated in Japan (Gunma Prefecture) and the United States (Subaru of Indiana Automotive, Lafayette, Indiana)6. The Aerospace Company operates three pillars - defence, commercial, and helicopter - and is a contractor to Japan’s Ministry of Defence and Self-Defense Forces, providing aircraft manufacturing, maintenance, overhaul, spare parts and training for JASDF, JMSDF and JGSDF programmes; it also produces the Boeing 777/787/777X centre wing box (since 1973) and the SUBARU BELL 412EPX under Bell licence4. Following Japan’s 2022 Defence Buildup Program, Subaru stated it would support defence expansion including next-generation fighter development4.

Israeli entities and franchise relationships. Subaru-branded vehicles are imported into and distributed within Israel by Samelet (Mediterranean Car Agency / Samelet Motors Ltd.), a privately held Israeli automotive importer that became the official Subaru representative in 2013 when it acquired Japanauto75. Samelet’s imported-brand portfolio also includes Fiat, Abarth, Alfa Romeo, Jeep, Chrysler, Ram, Dodge, Ferrari, Maserati, Iveco, Hongqi and WEY, indicating a multi-brand independent distribution model rather than a captive Subaru channel519. Samelet is described in Israeli business reporting as a “proudly Israeli company”; it was founded in 1946 and was acquired by the Levi family/Levi Group in 198975. No public evidence was identified that Subaru Corporation holds an equity stake in Samelet or in its predecessor importer Japanauto75. No Subaru R&D facility, innovation lab, or office in Israel has been identified6.

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

The Military audit found no documented mechanism by which Subaru Corporation supplies, supports, or enables Israeli military, intelligence, or security-force capability. Subaru’s confirmed defence contracting activity is concentrated exclusively within Japan’s domestic Self-Defense Force procurement framework under JMOD contracts56. The company’s aerospace division holds the prime manufacturing role for the UH-2 utility helicopter procured by the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force, and has held documented production roles for F-15J airframe components (JASDF), the T-7 primary trainer aircraft (JASDF), and OH-1 “Ninja” observation-helicopter components (JGSDF)6. SIPRI arms transfers database entries for Fuji Heavy Industries / Subaru record transfers exclusively within the Japan–US alliance procurement framework11. Subaru’s published Annual Reports and Integrated Reports confirm an aerospace segment operating under JMOD contracts75, and SIPRI identifies Subaru as a minor Japanese defence-industrial participant by revenue1.

Subaru’s civilian product lines (Forester, Outback, XV/Crosstrek, Impreza) are sold on the open commercial market globally, including in Israel via the authorised importer Colmobil Group - wait, the Economic audit identifies the Israeli importer as Samelet, not Colmobil; the Military audit’s reference to Colmobil appears to be an inconsistency in the source material, and the Economic audit’s identification of Samelet is the operative finding for the Israeli market7510. Some Israeli open-source media reports reference Subaru Forester and Outback models appearing in Israeli Police (Mishteret Yisrael) fleet use4; available evidence characterises this as civilian-model fleet procurement through standard commercial channels, not purpose-built tactical supply, and contract-level detail disaggregating police from private-buyer sales is not publicly available in reviewed filings10.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence available to Subaru on the Military dimension is straightforward: the company is not a participant in the Israeli defence supply chain. No contract, tender award, framework agreement, or memorandum of understanding between Subaru and the Israeli Ministry of Defence, the IDF, the Israel Prison Service, or the Israel Border Police has been identified across SIBAT export directories, Israeli Government Procurement Administration records, Israeli State Comptroller reports, NGO corporate accountability databases, and open-source military equipment tracking records8931813420. Subaru does not appear in SIBAT export directories, Israeli defence exhibition catalogues, or Israeli procurement registries3. No corporate press release, Israeli government announcement, or defence trade press report has been identified documenting defence cooperation between Subaru and any Israeli defence or security entity.

The audit also identifies a residual evidence gap: Japan’s defence industrial base has developed bilateral defence technology exchange mechanisms with Israel, and whether any Subaru aerospace component technology falls within the scope of such agreements has not been established from publicly available records. This gap is noted as warranting targeted further inquiry but does not constitute a positive finding of complicity.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

The Digital audit found no documented mechanism by which Subaru Corporation provides, hosts, or integrates Israeli-origin digital, cybersecurity, surveillance, biometric, cloud, or AI technology in any context relevant to Israeli state, military, or security-sector capability. Subaru’s primary consumer-facing connected technology is the STARLINK Connected Services platform, operated principally through Subaru of America’s infrastructure, with Amazon Web Services publicly cited as a cloud partner for connected vehicle data pipelines58. Subaru was publicly identified as an early participant in the BlackBerry IVY connected vehicle intelligence platform - a Canadian-origin product jointly developed by BlackBerry and Amazon Web Services6. No Israeli-origin cloud layer, cybersecurity vendor, or surveillance component has been identified within Subaru’s STARLINK architecture or broader enterprise stack in any public disclosure reviewed.

A systematic review of public customer reference lists and named partnership disclosures for the principal Israeli-origin or Israeli-founded enterprise technology vendors active in the automotive sector - Check Point Software Technologies, CyberArk, SentinelOne, Wiz, NICE Systems, Verint Systems, and Palo Alto Networks - found no positive evidence of a licensing, subscription, or integration relationship with Subaru1842021222324. Subaru’s proprietary EyeSight Driver Assist Technology is a stereoscopic camera-based system developed entirely in-house in Japan, with no Israeli-origin AI component, model, or dataset contribution identified in public disclosures75.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence available to Subaru on the Digital dimension is the absence of any documented Israeli digital vendor relationship. Subaru does not appear in the customer disclosures of the principal Israeli-origin cybersecurity, surveillance, or analytics vendors active in the automotive sector. Subaru does not appear in the Israel Innovation Authority’s registry of foreign R&D centres17. No Subaru engineering office, innovation laboratory, accelerator programme, or scouting office in Israel has been identified in corporate disclosures, Israeli technology press, or startup ecosystem records75. No acquisition of an Israeli-origin technology company and no strategic investment in an Israeli startup or Israeli venture fund has been identified in Crunchbase records, corporate IR disclosures, or Israeli financial press7514. No co-development arrangement, sponsored research agreement, or intellectual property licensing relationship between Subaru and Israeli academic or research institutions - including the Technion, Hebrew University / Yissum, or the Weizmann Institute - has been identified in patent literature, corporate disclosures, or institutional announcements10124.

The audit identifies two structural evidence gaps. First, Subaru does not publish a comprehensive vendor list for enterprise IT, endpoint security, or network security infrastructure; it is therefore not possible to confirm or exclude the use of Israeli-origin cybersecurity products within Subaru’s internal corporate network without access to procurement records or non-public disclosures. Second, Subaru’s approximately 3,700 North American dealerships retain independent procurement authority for operational technology, surveillance, analytics, and workforce monitoring tools, and no aggregated public record of dealership-level technology procurement exists. These gaps are noted as searched-and-not-found rather than as positive findings of complicity.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

The Economic audit identifies one principal mechanism of economic involvement: Subaru-branded vehicles are imported into and distributed within Israel by Samelet (Mediterranean Car Agency / Samelet Motors Ltd.), a privately held Israeli automotive importer that became the official Subaru representative in 2013 when it acquired Japanauto75. Samelet operates the Subaru sales and dealership network and the subaru.co.il website7517. Under this independent-importer model, Subaru Corporation realises wholesale vehicle-export revenue flowing from Israel toward the Japanese parent, while retail margin on Israeli Subaru sales is retained by Samelet7517. No public evidence was identified that Subaru Corporation holds an equity stake in Samelet or in its predecessor importer Japanauto75.

Subaru holds a historically prominent position in the Israeli car market. Via its importer Japanauto, Subaru was reported to be the first vehicle manufacturer to disregard the Arab League boycott, at a time when larger Japanese manufacturers such as Toyota and Mitsubishi avoided the Israeli market to protect their Arab League sales8910. Subaru remained effectively the only Japanese marque sold in Israel until the mid-to-late 1980s, with Japanauto reported to have held around 50% of the local car market during the 1970s and 1980s and annual sales exceeding 30,000 vehicles, and to have imported some 380,000 Subaru vehicles since 19688910. By 1987, Subaru reportedly sold more than 20,000 vehicles in Israel (population ~4.3 million at the time)10. Toyota’s later entry into the Israeli market in 1991 was reported in the press as a sign of a weakening Arab boycott912.

A historical lead is noted for completeness: in October 2016, the Network against Japan Arms Trade (NAJAT) raised concerns about reports that the Japanese and Israeli governments had agreed on a project for the joint development of drones for military use, following the Japanese Cabinet’s 2014 relaxation of weapons-export and joint-development restrictions11. NAJAT reported that three Japanese firms were approached by Japanese authorities in connection with the matter: Fuji Heavy Industries (Subaru), NEC, and Mitsubishi Electric11. Of the three, only Mitsubishi Electric responded to the allegations; Subaru and NEC did not respond11. The reporting does not identify a specific Israeli counterparty entity, does not confirm that any Subaru–Israel joint drone development contract was concluded, and does not document an outcome; it records the initial reporting of a reported government-level agreement11. No public evidence was identified confirming a completed Subaru investment, joint venture, or development facility in Israel arising from this report.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence available to Subaru on the Economic dimension is that the Israeli market presence is conducted entirely through an independent third-party importer under standard commercial distribution arrangements, with no Subaru equity stake, no Subaru-operated facility, no Subaru employment in Israel, and no Subaru tax entity in Israel756. No public evidence was identified of Subaru Corporation directly owning or operating retail outlets, warehouses, assembly plants, or offices in Israel, and no Subaru operational presence was documented within the occupied West Bank or Gaza Strip in any reviewed source7517. No public evidence was identified of Subaru Corporation holding direct capital investments within Israel or the occupied territories - no disclosed acquisitions, manufacturing facilities, logistics hubs, data centres, or real-estate holdings within Israeli jurisdiction75. No public evidence was identified of Subaru Corporation holding Israeli sovereign bonds, Israeli-domiciled equities, or Israel-focused investment funds as disclosed portfolio or treasury assets.

The 2016 NAJAT drone-development report is explicitly unverified: Subaru did not respond to the allegations, no Israeli counterparty was named, and no completed contract has been documented11. The audit carries this finding with the caveat that it records initial reporting of a reported government-level agreement, not a confirmed Subaru–Israel joint venture. The audit also identifies an evidence gap: Subaru does not disclose Israel-specific wholesale revenue, and no third-party estimate with verifiable sourcing of the quantum of Subaru’s annual vehicle-export revenue attributable to the Israeli market was identified in reviewed sources.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

The Political audit identifies two principal mechanisms of political involvement, both historical rather than ongoing. First, Subaru’s documented decision in 1968–1969 to disregard the Arab League boycott and become the first Japanese carmaker to openly sell in Israel is a matter of public commercial record8910. A contemporaneous Jewish Telegraphic Agency dispatch dated 9 March 1988 recorded that “Fuji Heavy Industries (Subaru)” was the only Japanese carmaker openly exporting to Israel and had sold “20,000 Subaru cars in Israel in 1987,” while Daihatsu and Suzuki sold smaller volumes through third countries18. Trade press has framed Subaru as “the people’s car of Israel” in that era89. No public evidence was identified that Subaru framed this posture in political-solidarity or state-partnership terms.

Second, in April 2011 an image appeared on a Subaru-Israel Facebook page that referenced an October 2010 incident in which settler David Be’eri (then director-general of the settlement organisation Elad) struck two Palestinian children with his Subaru vehicle in East Jerusalem; the image carried Hebrew text. The Palestinian Authority spokesperson condemned the image. Subaru-Israel denied responsibility for the image, said it had not published the ad, and removed it from the page once it was identified2. This is recorded as a press-documented advertising controversy attributed to the local importer’s social-media presence, with the importer’s denial noted, not as evidence of a corporate policy stance by Subaru Corporation.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence available to Subaru on the Political dimension is the absence of any named, dated corporate statement by Subaru Corporation (Japan) or by Subaru of America addressing the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack, the subsequent Israeli military operations in Gaza, or the Israel-Palestine conflict as a geopolitical matter75. No public evidence was identified of Subaru Corporation or Subaru of America holding any formal partnership, sponsorship, state honour, or institutional agreement with Israeli government bodies, Israeli state academic institutions, or any “Brand Israel” / public-diplomacy campaign75. No public evidence was identified of Subaru corporate membership of, or funding for, pro-Israel lobbying organisations13. No public evidence was identified of Subaru Corporation or Subaru of America making corporate donations to Israeli parastatal bodies, settlement organisations, military-welfare funds (e.g. Friends of the IDF), or the Jewish National Fund13. No public evidence was identified of Subaru lobbying on Israel-Palestine policy, BDS legislation, settlement-trade rules, or Middle East foreign policy13.

Subaru is not named in the BDS National Committee’s “Guide to BDS Boycott” (published 6 December 2024), whose consumer-boycott, organic-boycott and pressure-target lists name companies such as Chevron, Intel, HP, Carrefour, AXA, SodaStream and Disney+ - but no automobile manufacturer14. Subaru is not named on the US Campaign for Palestinian Rights (USCPR) 2025 BDS boycott resource15. Subaru is not named on the Ethical Consumer Palestine boycott list16. No organised, named consumer-boycott or divestment campaign specifically targeting Subaru over Israel-Palestine was identified in NGO publications, major news coverage, or activist campaign databases.

The 2011 Facebook advertising episode is explicitly attributed to the local importer’s social-media presence, with the importer’s denial and removal of the image noted; the audit does not characterise this as evidence of a corporate policy stance by Subaru Corporation2. The historical boycott-defiance posture is recorded as a matter of commercial market entry, not as a political-solidarity or state-partnership framing by Subaru itself.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

BDS-1000 Score (V4)

DomainIMPV-Domain Score
Military0.500.500.500.00
Digital0.000.000.000.00
Economic4.503.005.001.38
Political2.007.007.002.00

V_MAX is driven by Political (2.00), reflecting the historical boycott-defiance posture and the 2011 importer-level advertising controversy; Sum_OTHERS is driven by Economic (1.38), reflecting the continuous commercial presence in the Israeli passenger-vehicle market via the independent importer Samelet. Military and Digital both score 0.00, consistent with the audits’ pervasive “No public evidence identified” findings across Israeli defence, cybersecurity, surveillance, cloud, and AI dimensions. The method is scale-free Impact × magnitude/proximity, evidence-only, and human-vetted; the scores are fixed and not altered by this dossier.

Methodology Note

End Notes

Footnotes

  1. https://www.slashgear.com/1970679/does-toyota-own-subaru-stake-explained/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8

  2. https://gulfnews.com/business/toyota-raising-stake-in-subaru-to-at-least-20-report-says-1.66719294 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13

  3. https://www.whoprofits.org/publications/report/148 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9

  4. https://www.subaru.co.jp/en/outline/about/aerospace/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9

  5. https://samelet.com/en/about/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15 ↩16 ↩17 ↩18 ↩19 ↩20 ↩21 ↩22 ↩23 ↩24 ↩25 ↩26 ↩27 ↩28 ↩29 ↩30

  6. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Subaru_Corporation ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13

  7. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samelet ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15 ↩16 ↩17 ↩18 ↩19 ↩20 ↩21 ↩22 ↩23 ↩24

  8. https://en.globes.co.il/en/article-1000803861 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15 ↩16 ↩17

  9. https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/boycotts-and-boycotts/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15

  10. https://www.hagerty.co.uk/articles/automotive-history/how-subaru-became-the-peoples-car-of-israel/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14

  11. https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/latest-news/japan-reported-joint-drone-development-with-israel/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13 ↩14 ↩15

  12. https://www.baltimoresun.com/1991/04/16/israel-views-toyotas-arrival-as-sign-of-weaker-arab-boycott/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9

  13. https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/subaru-corp/summary?id=D000073772 ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7

  14. https://bdsmovement.net/what-is-bds/guide-to-bds-boycott ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  15. https://uscpr.org/campaigns/boycott/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  16. https://www.ethicalconsumer.org/ethicalcampaigns/palestine ↩ ↩2 ↩3

  17. https://subaru.co.il/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7 ↩8 ↩9 ↩10 ↩11 ↩12 ↩13

  18. https://www.jta.org/archive/japanese-want-to-sell-to-israel-but-are-afraid-to-break-boycott ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6

  19. https://www.jpost.com/consumerism/article-886922 ↩ ↩2

  20. https://www.subaru.co.jp/en/ ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5 ↩6 ↩7

  21. https://www.subaru.com/about.html ↩ ↩2 ↩3 ↩4 ↩5

  22. https://imemc.org/article/61107/ ↩ ↩2

  23. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nakajima_Aircraft_Company ↩ ↩2

  24. https://www.asianmilitaryreview.com/2025/08/subaru-delivers-experimental-uav-to-japans-atla-for-manned-unmanned-teaming-research-nsbt/ ↩ ↩2

  25. https://www.slashgear.com/1845744/subaru-airplane-history-aviation-explained/ ↩

  26. https://militaryleak.com/2020/06/04/subaru-corporation-awarded-131-million-contract-for-jgsdf-uh-x-helicopters/ ↩