Audit Phase: V-POL Domain Audit
Subject Entity: Maserati S.p.A. (subsidiary of Stellantis N.V.)
Reference Date: May 2025
No public evidence has been identified of any official Maserati S.p.A. statement, press release, or corporate communication addressing the Israel-Palestine conflict at any point in the brand’s recorded public communications history, including following the escalation of October 7, 2023.19 A review of Maserati’s press release archive returned no relevant results. Similarly, Maserati’s parent company, Stellantis N.V., has issued no identified standalone public statement on the conflict. The Stellantis 2023 Annual Report and 2023 Sustainability Report — both of which contain stakeholder communication sections — contain no reference to the Israel-Palestine conflict.24
The absence of any Israel-Palestine communications from Maserati and Stellantis is notable in the context of the companies’ documented responses to other geopolitical and social events. Stellantis publicly suspended its Russian operations in 2022 in response to the invasion of Ukraine and issued a corresponding public statement.4 Stellantis also made public commitments on racial equity following the 2020 Black Lives Matter movement, and has publicly committed to climate targets aligned with the Paris Agreement, all of which are reflected in its sustainability disclosures.412 No comparable communication regarding the Israel-Palestine conflict has been identified in any of these channels.24 No Maserati-brand social media accounts on Instagram, X/Twitter, or LinkedIn have been identified as having posted content related to the conflict.19
In Stellantis annual filings, the Middle East and Africa (MEA) region is framed consistently as a commercial growth market.23 No unique geopolitical partnership framing has been identified for Israeli or Palestinian market operations in available filings.17 Maserati’s dealer presence in Israel is documented on its official global dealer locator as standard commercial retail operations, with no special strategic or political framing attached.5
Maserati maintains an authorized dealer and service network in Israel, listed on its official global dealer locator.5 A separate Middle East regional dealer portal also reflects Maserati’s presence across the broader MEA region.6 The dealer network serves the standard Israeli commercial luxury automotive market. No specific documentation of dealership operations within internationally recognized Israeli settlements in the West Bank has been identified in available public records.
Stellantis, as Maserati’s parent company since January 2021,14 sells vehicles across multiple brands in Israel through authorized distributor networks. Stellantis’s MEA commercial activities are referenced in its annual reports as a regional growth segment.23 No public evidence has been identified of specific settlement-territory dealerships for Maserati or any Stellantis brand in West Bank settlements. Equally, no public evidence has been identified of Maserati or Stellantis vehicles being documented in UN reports, investigative journalism, or NGO filings as being used specifically in Israeli settlement infrastructure or by Israeli security forces in an operational capacity.
The UN Human Rights Council published its database of companies with business activities in Israeli settlements (A/HRC/43/71) in February 2020.10 Maserati is not listed in that database. Stellantis’s predecessor entities — Fiat Chrysler Automobiles (FCA) and PSA Group — are also not listed. It bears noting that the database has not been formally updated with a new public list since its 2020 publication, creating a gap in coverage for post-2021 Stellantis activities.10
No regulatory actions, sanctions, or legal proceedings against Maserati or Stellantis related to operations in occupied territories have been identified in available public records.1110 No OECD National Contact Point (NCP) complaints against Maserati or Stellantis related to the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) have been identified.26
The BDS Movement’s published boycott target lists do not include Maserati or Stellantis.8 The Who Profits Research Center, which maintains a database of companies profiting from the Israeli occupation, does not list Maserati in its automotive sector findings based on publicly available entries.7 No organized consumer boycott campaign specifically targeting Maserati in relation to the Israel-Palestine conflict has been identified in news records, NGO reports, or social media documentation.24 Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International corporate accountability reports reviewed for this audit do not name Maserati in the context of the OPT.2223
No public evidence has been identified of HR enforcement actions, internal policies, controversies, legal proceedings, or published reports regarding Maserati or Stellantis employee speech, use of political symbols, or union activity specifically related to the Israel-Palestine conflict.4 No public evidence identified.
Maserati is an automotive manufacturer, not a digital platform, and no algorithmic moderation, content suppression, or editorial policy function is applicable to its core operations. No independent reports, academic studies, or regulatory inquiries regarding Maserati’s marketing platforms or branded digital channels suppressing or amplifying content related to the conflict have been identified. No public evidence identified.
Stellantis files annual conflict minerals disclosures with the SEC under Section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Act, covering tin, tungsten, tantalum, and gold. These disclosures, reflected in Stellantis’s GRI Index, do not reference Israeli settlement supply chains.12 No public evidence has been identified of regulatory actions or NGO reports regarding Maserati’s labeling, sourcing, or product categorization involving goods from Israeli settlements or occupied territories. No public evidence identified.
Maserati’s brand heritage is rooted in Italian civilian luxury automotive manufacturing and motorsport. The brand was established in Bologna in 1926, founded by the Maserati brothers whose careers were built in competitive motorsport.201 No documented military heritage, defense-sector origin, or state-security founding has been identified in Maserati’s brand identity or official marketing materials.1 Maserati does not employ military or defense imagery in its commercial branding, and no public evidence of defense sector ties utilized in public relations has been identified.
No public evidence has been identified that Maserati has accepted state honors from the Government of Israel, hosted Israeli government officials at brand events, or entered formal non-commercial partnerships with Israeli state academic or governmental institutions. No public evidence has been identified that Maserati has sponsored or participated in Israeli state-backed cultural diplomacy campaigns, including campaigns associated with “Brand Israel” public relations initiatives.
Maserati’s identified sponsorship activities are concentrated in motorsport — specifically, the Maserati MSG Racing team in the FIA Formula E World Championship, active since the 2022–23 season21 — and luxury lifestyle and fashion partnerships. No state-aligned partnerships in the Middle East conflict context have been identified in any available public source. No public evidence identified.
Stellantis is registered as a lobbying entity with the EU Transparency Register.16 Its declared lobbying interests cover automotive industry regulation, emissions standards, electric vehicle policy, and trade matters. No declared lobbying interest related to Middle East policy, Israel-Palestine conflict legislation, or anti-BDS legislation has been identified in the EU register.1618 In the United States, Stellantis lobbying disclosures cover fuel economy standards, EV tax credits, general trade tariffs, and labor and manufacturing policy. No lobbying activity related to Israel, Palestine, or anti-BDS legislation is identified in US filings.9 No public evidence of Maserati-specific lobbying activity, separate from the Stellantis parent, has been identified.
No public evidence has been identified of Maserati or Stellantis corporate donations or sponsorships directed toward Israeli settlement organizations, Israeli military welfare funds (e.g., Friends of the IDF/FIDF), the Jewish National Fund (JNF), or comparable organizations. No public evidence identified.
No public evidence has been identified that Maserati or Stellantis directed corporate logistics, vehicles, free services, or infrastructure to Israeli state, military, or state-aligned NGO efforts during periods of active conflict, including the period following October 7, 2023. No public evidence identified.
Maserati S.p.A. is a wholly owned subsidiary of Stellantis N.V., a position that has held since the completion of the FCA-PSA merger in January 2021.14 Prior to that merger, Maserati operated as a wholly owned subsidiary of Fiat Chrysler Automobiles (FCA). Stellantis N.V. is incorporated in the Netherlands and is listed on Euronext Milan, Euronext Paris, and the New York Stock Exchange.13 Its Articles of Association define its purpose as a commercial automotive holding company.13 No golden share, state-mandated geopolitical mission, or founding charter language tying Stellantis to the geopolitical goals of any state — including Italy, France, the Netherlands, or Israel — has been identified.13
The Italian government holds no golden share or special veto rights in Stellantis that would impose geopolitical obligations of the kind found in some other Italian strategic sectors.29 This stands in contrast to arrangements in certain other Italian state-adjacent enterprises, and is a structurally relevant negative finding. No evidence of Israeli state ownership, preferential state partnership, or government-directed mission has been identified in any Stellantis or Maserati filing or governance document.132
The largest identified shareholder in Stellantis is Exor N.V., the Agnelli family holding company, which is a diversified private investment holding company with no documented state-geopolitical mandate.1525 BPI France, the French state investment bank, holds a board representation in Stellantis, though no evidence of BPI France directing Stellantis toward any Middle East-related commercial or political objective has been identified.2 The Stellantis 2023 Annual Report and Articles of Association reflect a commercially oriented governance structure.213
Carlos Tavares served as Stellantis CEO until his resignation in December 2024.25 No public evidence has been identified of personal donations, family foundation grants, or fundraising efforts by Tavares directed toward Israeli or Palestinian advocacy groups, FIDF, JNF, or comparable organizations.25 Following Tavares’s departure, interim and new leadership’s personal affiliations and philanthropic giving have not been extensively documented in publicly available sources as of the audit date, representing a gap in the available evidence record.
The Agnelli family’s philanthropy is documented primarily through the Giovanni Agnelli Foundation, which focuses on Italian education, research, and culture.2515 No public evidence has been identified of Giovanni Agnelli Foundation grants to Israeli settlement groups, Israeli military welfare funds, or pro-Palestinian organizations. It is noted that the Foundation’s complete grant recipient list is not fully public, and it is therefore not possible to definitively rule out individual grants in this domain, though no affirmative evidence of such grants has been found in available records.1525
No public evidence has been identified of statements, social media posts, op-eds, or signed letters by Maserati brand leadership, Stellantis executives, or Exor/Agnelli family principals specifically addressing the Israel-Palestine conflict. No public evidence identified.
No public evidence has been identified that Maserati or Stellantis board members, or Exor/Agnelli family principals, hold personal board seats, advisory roles, or leadership positions in geopolitical pressure groups, Israel-aligned academic institutions, or pro-Israel or pro-Palestinian lobbying organizations. Stellantis board composition as of 2023–2024 includes representatives of Exor N.V., BPI France, and independent directors; no board member has been identified with publicly documented affiliations to organizations related to the Israel-Palestine conflict.2
https://www.maserati.com/us/en/world-of-maserati/maserati-story ↩↩
https://www.stellantis.com/content/dam/stellantis-corporate/investors/financial-results/full-year-results/2023/stellantis-2023-annual-report.pdf ↩↩↩↩↩↩↩↩
https://www.stellantis.com/content/dam/stellantis-corporate/investors/financial-results/full-year-results/2022/stellantis-2022-annual-report.pdf ↩↩
https://www.stellantis.com/content/dam/stellantis-corporate/sustainability/esg-publications/2023/stellantis-2023-sustainability-report.pdf ↩↩↩↩↩
https://www.maserati.com/me/en/find-a-dealer ↩
https://whoprofits.org/companies/company/automotive ↩
https://bdsmovement.net/get-involved/what-to-boycott ↩
https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/stellantis/summary?id=D000067274 ↩
https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/regular-sessions/session43/documents-43rs ↩↩↩
https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/regular-sessions/session52/list-reports ↩
https://www.stellantis.com/content/dam/stellantis-corporate/sustainability/esg-publications/2023/stellantis-2023-gri-index.pdf ↩↩
https://www.stellantis.com/content/dam/stellantis-corporate/investors/corporate-governance/articles-of-association/stellantis-articles-of-association.pdf ↩↩↩↩↩
https://www.reuters.com/business/autos-transportation/fca-psa-complete-merger-creating-stellantis-2021-01-16/ ↩↩
https://ec.europa.eu/transparencyregister/public/consultation/displaylobbyist.do?id=787893243137-34 ↩↩
https://www.stellantis.com/en/investors/results-and-publications/annual-reports ↩
https://corporateeurope.org/en/lobbying ↩
https://www.caranddriver.com/maserati/history ↩
https://www.motorsport.com/formula-e/news/maserati-formula-e-team/ ↩
https://www.hrw.org/topic/business-and-human-rights ↩
https://www.amnesty.org/en/what-we-do/business-and-human-rights/ ↩
https://stopthewall.org/ ↩
https://mneguidelines.oecd.org/sectors/ ↩
https://www.spglobal.com/esg/csa/results/ ↩
https://europe.autonews.com/automakers/stellantis-middle-east-africa-sales ↩
https://www.mimit.gov.it/ ↩