Waitrose

1. Executive Dossier Summary

Company: Waitrose & Partners (Subsidiary of The John Lewis Partnership PLC)

Jurisdiction: United Kingdom [HQ: London, England]

Sector: Retail / Grocery / eCommerce / Financial Services

Leadership: Jason Tarry (Chairman), Nish Kankiwala (CEO), James Bailey (Executive Director, Waitrose)

Intelligence Conclusions:

This Main Target Dossier presents the findings of a comprehensive forensic audit regarding the material and ideological complicity of Waitrose and its parent entity, the John Lewis Partnership (JLP), in the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories. The investigation, synthesizing economic, digital, political, and military intelligence vectors, assigns the entity a Tier C (High Complicity) designation based on the BDS-1000 scoring methodology.

The core intelligence conclusion is that Waitrose functions as a critical economic node for the settlement enterprise, utilizing a sophisticated corporate architecture to obfuscate the origins of proceeds derived from occupied land. Unlike simpler cases of incidental trade, Waitrose exhibits a structural dependency on the Israeli agricultural sector—specifically the settlement-heavy “Winter Window” for dates, citrus, and herbs—which is shielded from public scrutiny through the use of exclusive intermediaries and deceptive labeling practices.¹ The audit identifies the “Aggregator Nexus” involving Hadiklaim and Mehadrin as the primary mechanism of this economic complicity, channeling millions in revenue to entities that directly own and operate infrastructure in illegal colonies in the Jordan Valley.¹

Simultaneously, the Partnership is undergoing a “Digital Transformation” that is aggressively integrating Israeli military-intelligence technologies into the UK’s critical retail infrastructure. The audit reveals a “technological lock-in” where the retailer’s cybersecurity, payments, and now physical store surveillance (via the Shopic smart trolley trial) are dependent on vendors founded by veterans of the IDF’s Unit 8200.⁴ This procurement strategy not only normalizes military-grade surveillance in civilian spaces but also provides recurring revenue to the R&D ecosystem that sustains Israel’s qualitative military edge. The £100 million partnership with Google Cloud acts as a force multiplier, deepening the integration of Israeli cloud-native security tools into the Partnership’s core operations.⁴

Ideologically, the governance of the Partnership displays a profound “Systemic Bias.” The leadership structure, historically and currently, maintains deep ties to pro-Israel lobbying networks. The appointment of Jason Tarry as Chairman—a figure with documented engagement with the Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI)—signals a strategic alignment with the state’s trade agenda.⁸ This bias is operationally visible in the “Safe Harbor” double standard: while the Partnership enacted a total, immediate boycott of Russian goods following the invasion of Ukraine, it has steadfastly refused to apply the same ethical framework to settlement goods, instead weaponizing internal disciplinary policies to suppress pro-Palestinian sentiment among its “Partner” workforce.⁸

In summary, the John Lewis Partnership is not a neutral bystander. It is an active commercial participant in the normalization of the occupation, shielding its complicity behind a brand image of ethical superiority while structurally supporting the economic and technological foundations of the target state’s apartheid apparatus.

2. Corporate Overview & Evolution

Origins & Founders

The John Lewis Partnership was established by John Spedan Lewis in 1929, transforming a family drapery business into an industrial democracy. The founding document, the Constitution, mandates that the business be conducted with “honesty and integrity” and aims for the “happiness of its members” and a “Happier World”.¹³ This unique structure, where all permanent employees are “Partners” and co-owners, was intended to create a firewall against the rapacious nature of shareholder capitalism.

Assessment:

The forensic evolution of the company, however, reveals a gradual but decisive erosion of these founding ethical principles when they conflict with geopolitical or commercial expediency. The “Partnership” model has effectively been co-opted; it now serves as a reputational shield. By leveraging its reputation as an “ethical” retailer, JLP can deflect criticism that would severely damage a standard PLC. The structure concentrates strategic power in a centralized Board that has consistently aligned the Partnership with British foreign policy interests—which have historically favored strong trade ties with Israel—while marginalizing the democratic voice of Partners who object to complicity in human rights abuses. The ethos of “fairness” is strictly compartmentalized to the domestic sphere, failing to extend to the Palestinian communities exploited in the company’s supply chain.13

Leadership & Ownership

The governance of the Partnership is the fulcrum of its complicity. The leadership profile reveals a persistent pattern of engagement with Zionist advocacy groups and a technocratic prioritization of “trade continuity” over international law.

• Jason Tarry (Chairman, appointed Sept 2024): The appointment of Jason Tarry marks a critical consolidation of pro-Israel sentiment at the highest level of governance. Formerly the CEO of Tesco UK, Tarry’s tenure there was characterized by a staunch resistance to the BDS movement and the continued stocking of settlement goods despite intense public pressure.⁸ Crucially, intelligence confirms Tarry’s participation in delegations and events organized by the Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI), a primary lobbying vehicle within the UK political establishment dedicated to advancing Israeli state interests and combating the “delegitimization” of the occupation.⁸
  • Assessment: Tarry’s leadership signifies a “High Risk” of intensified complicity. His background suggests he views the occupation through a prism of “bilateral trade” rather than human rights. His CFI links provide the Partnership with a direct political channel to the pro-Israel lobby, insulating the company from regulatory pressure regarding settlement goods.
• Dame Sharon White (Former Chairman, 2020–2024): While publicly championing “values” and leading the company’s response to the Ukraine crisis, White’s administration oversaw the implementation of the discriminatory “neutrality” policy that led to the suppression of pro-Palestine staff.⁸ Under her leadership, the Partnership solidified its tech partnerships with Israeli firms and failed to address the labeling fraud regarding “West Bank” produce. Her tenure established the “Double Standard” as standard operating procedure: moral clarity for Ukraine, calculated ambiguity for Palestine.¹²
• Mark Price (Former MD, Waitrose): A pivotal historical figure, Lord Mark Price served as Managing Director of Waitrose (2007–2016) before becoming the UK Minister of State for Trade Policy. During his time at Waitrose, Price was instrumental in establishing the deep supply chain links with Israeli agricultural exporters like Mehadrin and Agrexco. His subsequent role in government, where he actively promoted UK-Israel trade relations and hosted trade policy working groups, suggests that his commercial decisions at Waitrose were informed by a strategic worldview that prioritizes economic integration with Israel.⁸
  • Assessment: The legacy of Mark Price is a supply chain architecture built to withstand ethical scrutiny. The “Taste of Israel” campaign occurred under his watch, highlighting his willingness to use the Waitrose brand as a vehicle for Israeli state soft power.¹⁷
• James Bailey (Executive Director, Waitrose): As the current operational head of Waitrose, Bailey oversees the procurement strategies that maintain the “Winter Window” dependency on Israeli produce. His focus on “commercial viability” and “supply chain resilience” has entrenched the relationship with aggregators like Primafruit, prioritizing shelf availability of avocados and citrus over the ethical implications of their settlement origins.⁶

Analytical Assessment:

The leadership composition indicates a High Confidence assessment of ideological and commercial alignment with the Israeli state. The recurring engagement of senior executives with political lobbying entities suggests that the refusal to divest from settlement goods is not an oversight but a deliberate strategic choice. The governance culture views Israel as a “strategic partner” in technology and agriculture, effectively insulating the occupation economy from ethical scrutiny. The leadership has successfully decoupled the company’s “Purpose” (A Happier World) from its procurement practices in the Middle East, creating a zone of exception for Israeli violations of international law.

3. Timeline of Relevant Events

This chronology documents the systemic nature of Waitrose’s engagement with the occupation economy, revealing a pattern of resistance to ethical correction and an increasing reliance on Israeli technology.

Date	Event	Significance
Nov 2009	Boycott Action Week	Waitrose is targeted by the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC) for selling settlement goods. Leadership defends sourcing from “West Bank” farms, citing “Palestinian employment” as justification, a standard hasbara talking point used to legitimize settlement industries.18
Apr 2010	War on Want Investigation	An investigation reveals Waitrose selling Halva from the Barkan settlement industrial zone and dates from Hadiklaim. This contradicted explicit claims by the retailer that it did not stock settlement goods, establishing a precedent of corporate dishonesty regarding origin.2
Jan 2014	SodaStream Controversy	John Lewis refuses to drop SodaStream products despite its primary factory being located in the Mishor Adumim settlement. Then-MD Andy Street defends the decision citing “commercial neutrality,” refusing to acknowledge the illegality of the production site.19
Feb 2015	Primafruit Exclusive Deal	Waitrose signs a strategic, exclusive contract with Primafruit Ltd to manage all fruit imports. This creates a structural “cutout,” allowing Waitrose to source Israeli produce via a UK entity, distancing itself from direct contracts with settlement aggregators like Mehadrin.1
Feb 2015	“Taste of Israel” Brochure	Waitrose distributes a glossy brochure paid for by the Israeli Ministry of Tourism. The brochure labels the occupied Golan Heights and East Jerusalem as “Israel” and appropriates Palestinian dishes. The Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) subsequently bans the ad for misleading consumers about the status of the occupied territories.8
Mar 2022	Ukraine Response	Within days of the Russian invasion, JLP removes all Russian products (including vodka and pizza pellets) and issues a strong moral condemnation. The swiftness of this action establishes the “Safe Harbor” precedent: JLP can divest quickly for ethical reasons when politically aligned.12
Aug 2023	Google Cloud Partnership	JLP signs a £100m strategic partnership with Google Cloud. This deal accelerates the integration of AI and security tools, locking the retailer into an ecosystem dominated by Israeli cyber-firms like Wiz and Palo Alto Networks.4
Oct 2023	Gaza Response	Following the escalation in Gaza, JLP issues a vague humanitarian statement avoiding condemnation of Israeli actions. No products are removed. Staff are warned against “political gestures,” initiating a crackdown on pro-Palestine expression.8
Mar 2024	Colleen Anthony Dismissal	Long-serving employee Colleen Anthony is dismissed for wearing a “Free Palestine” badge. The dismissal letter cites “brand damage” as the justification, while Ukraine ribbons remain authorized. This confirms the discriminatory application of the “neutrality” policy.8
Apr 2024	Jason Tarry Appointed	Former Tesco CEO Jason Tarry, known for his ties to the Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI), is appointed Chairman. This signals a retrenchment of pro-Israel trade policies at the board level.8
Aug 2024	Shopic Trial Launch	Waitrose begins a trial of “Smart Trolleys” provided by Shopic, a firm founded by Unit 8200 veterans, at its Bracknell store. This marks the physical entry of Israeli military-grade surveillance tech into the customer journey.4
Mar 2025	Renewed BDS Action	Protests intensify at Waitrose stores, with activists “de-shelving” Israeli avocados and dates. The campaign highlights the hypocrisy of the “West Bank” labeling and the continued sale of settlement goods.27

4. Domains of Complicity

This section provides a deep forensic analysis of the specific mechanisms through which Waitrose and JLP are complicit, categorized into four intelligence domains.

Domain 1: Economic & Structural Complicity

Goal: To establish the depth of Waitrose’s reliance on the settlement agricultural economy, the specific commodities involved, and the “laundering” mechanisms used to mask this trade from consumers.

Evidence & Analysis:

The forensic audit of Waitrose’s supply chain identifies a structural dependency on the Israeli settlement enterprise, primarily through the “Aggregator Nexus.” The supermarket does not merely buy from “Israel”; it maintains deep commercial relationships with vertically integrated conglomerates that are chemically indistinguishable from the occupation enterprise.

• The Aggregator Nexus (Hadiklaim & Mehadrin):
  Waitrose’s winter fruit and date supply is anchored by two primary Israeli entities: Mehadrin (MTEX) and Hadiklaim.
  • Mehadrin: As Israel’s largest grower and exporter, Mehadrin is a corporate behemoth that owns and operates extensive agricultural infrastructure in the occupied territories. Intelligence confirms Mehadrin operates orchards and packing houses in the Jordan Valley settlements of Beqa’ot, Hamra, and Massua.¹ Critical to their operation is the exploitation of water resources; Mehadrin drills for water in the West Bank, diverting vital resources from Palestinian communities to irrigate export-grade citrus and avocados. Evidence directly links Waitrose’s “Jaffa” brand citrus and “ripe and ready” avocados to Mehadrin via the intermediary Primafruit.¹
  • Hadiklaim: This cooperative is the dominant force in the global Medjool date market. It aggregates produce from growers inside Israel and from illegal settlements in the Jordan Valley, including Tomer, Beit Ha’Arava, and Gilgal. The audit confirms that Waitrose’s “Own Label” and, most controversially, “Duchy Organic” Medjool dates are sourced from Hadiklaim.¹ The involvement of the Duchy Organic brand—originally established by the then-Prince of Wales and generating funds for the King’s charities—represents a severe reputational contamination. It implies that British charitable endeavors are being funded, in part, by the proceeds of illegal settlement agriculture.¹
• The Primafruit Firewall (The Cutout Mechanism):
  To mitigate direct reputational risk and legal liability, Waitrose employs Primafruit Ltd as an exclusive “cutout.” In 2015, Waitrose signed a long-term partnership making Primafruit the exclusive manager of its imported fruit categories (citrus, grapes, stone fruit).1 Primafruit operates a dedicated facility in Evesham solely to service this contract.
  • Forensic Significance: This structure allows Waitrose executives to technically claim they have no direct contracts with settlement entities. The financial transaction flows from Waitrose to Primafruit (a UK entity), and then from Primafruit to Mehadrin. However, the exclusivity and the “closed loop” nature of the deal mean that Primafruit acts merely as the externalized procurement arm of Waitrose. Waitrose dictates the sourcing requirements, and Primafruit executes the purchase from the settlement aggregators. This is a deliberate corporate architecture designed to sanitize the supply chain.¹
• Labeling Fraud and the “West Bank” Loophole:
  Waitrose utilizes the label “Produce of West Bank” for fresh herbs (basil, thyme) and dates. This practice is a form of forensic deception. To the uninformed consumer, “West Bank” suggests support for the Palestinian economy. However, the audit reveals that the vast majority of these goods originate from Israeli settlement industrial zones and farms.1
  • The Deception: Waitrose refuses to use the accurate label “Israeli Settlement Produce,” which would allow consumers to make an informed ethical choice. Instead, they rely on the geographic ambiguity of “West Bank” to “launder” settlement produce into the baskets of ethical consumers. Waitrose has defended this by claiming these farms employ Palestinian workers, a justification that ignores the exploitative nature of settlement labor and the illegality of the land seizure.¹⁸
• Commodity Specificity:
  • Medjool Dates: High risk of settlement origin (Hadiklaim).
  • Citrus (Grapefruit/Oranges): High dependency on Mehadrin during the Dec-April window.
  • Avocados: Sourced from Galilee Export and Mehadrin, both of which operate in the Golan Heights and Jordan Valley.¹
  • Fresh Herbs: Sourced from Arava Export Growers, known to operate in Jordan Valley settlements like Mechola.¹

Analytical Assessment: High Confidence. Waitrose is materially complicit in sustaining the settlement economy. It provides a reliable, high-volume market for settlement “cash crops,” ensuring the financial viability of the occupation’s agricultural sector. The use of Primafruit as a cutout indicates a consciousness of guilt—a deliberate effort to distance the brand from the source of its goods while maintaining the trade.

Named Entities / Evidence Map:

• Hadiklaim: Dates (Settlement sourcing).
• Mehadrin: Citrus/Avocados (Settlement farming/Water theft).
• Primafruit: Exclusive Intermediary (Laundering mechanism).
• Duchy Organic: Brand contamination via settlement dates.
• Galilee Export: Avocados (Golan Heights/Settlement links).

Domain 2: Digital & Technological Complicity

Goal: To expose the John Lewis Partnership’s integration of Israeli military-intelligence technology into its critical infrastructure, quantifying the “Digital Complicity” and the normalization of surveillance.

Evidence & Analysis:

The “Digital Audit” reveals that Waitrose has effectively outsourced its digital immune system to the “Silicon Wadi,” creating a structural dependency on vendors founded by veterans of Unit 8200 (the IDF’s Signals Intelligence Corps). This is not incidental procurement; it is a strategic alignment with the Israeli military-industrial complex.

• Cybersecurity Hegemony (The “Iron Dome” Stack):
  The retailer’s network defense is built on a “mesh network” of Israeli-origin technology, creating a defense-in-depth architecture:
  • Check Point Software: Provides the perimeter firewalls. Founded by Unit 8200 veteran Gil Shwed. Check Point is a primary supplier to the IDF and the Israeli government. Waitrose serves as a reference customer, actively validating the vendor and contributing to its revenue stream.⁴
  • SentinelOne: Provides endpoint security (EDR). Its “Storyline” technology tracks user behavior at the kernel level, a capability derived from offensive cyber-warfare principles. This gives an Israeli firm deep visibility into every device on the JLP network.⁴
  • CyberArk: Manages privileged access (“Keys to the Kingdom”). The integration is so deep that JLP’s CISO has appeared as a speaker at CyberArk conferences, indicating a strategic partnership rather than a transactional one.⁴
  • Implication: Purchasing this software funds the R&D engine of the Israeli military. These firms function as the commercialization pathway for IDF intelligence capabilities. Revenue from JLP contributes to the development of dual-use technologies that are refined in the occupation context (e.g., surveillance of Palestinians) before being sold commercially to UK retailers.
• Surveillance Innovation (The Shopic Trial):
  Waitrose is currently trialing Shopic “smart trolleys” at its Bracknell store. Shopic was founded by Unit 8200 veterans Raz Golan and Eran Kravitz.4
  • The Mechanism: The device clips onto a trolley and uses computer vision to identify products. However, it also tracks the shopper’s journey—dwell time in front of shelves, hesitation, and route through the store.
  • The Threat: This introduces military-grade behavioral surveillance into a civilian grocery store. It normalizes the “panopticon” effect, treating UK shoppers as targets for algorithmic monitoring. The data harvested is processed by algorithms developed for intelligence gathering, creating a “digital avatar” of the shopper.⁴
• The Google Cloud Multiplier:
  The £100 million partnership with Google Cloud, announced in 2023, acts as a force multiplier for this complicity.4 Google’s cloud ecosystem is symbiotic with Israeli security firms.
  • Integration: As JLP migrates its data to Google Cloud, it is structurally incentivized to adopt Israeli-native security tools like Wiz (cloud security) and Palo Alto Networks (founded by Unit 8200 alumnus Nir Zuk), which have deep API integrations with Google. This creates a “paved road” that leads directly to further reliance on Israeli tech.⁴

Systemic Implications:

It is reasonable to infer that JLP has become a Tier 1 Consumer of Unit 8200 technology. This creates a strategic vulnerability; the retailer’s ability to secure its customer data and process payments is now contingent on the stability and continued operation of vendors inextricably linked to the Israeli defense establishment. This represents a “Technological Lock-in” that is difficult and costly to reverse.

Analytical Assessment: High Confidence. JLP exhibits structural digital complicity by funding and normalizing the military-to-civilian tech transfer pipeline. The adoption of Shopic represents a significant escalation from defensive security to active surveillance.

Named Entities / Evidence Map:

• Check Point / CyberArk / SentinelOne: Core security stack (Unit 8200 ties).
• Shopic: Retail surveillance (Unit 8200 founders).
• Google Cloud: Infrastructure partner facilitating Israeli tech integration.
• Wiz / Palo Alto: Associated ecosystem vendors.

Domain 3: Political & Ideological Complicity

Goal: To demonstrate the ideological alignment of JLP leadership with the Zionist state, the “Double Standard” in crisis response, and the discriminatory application of corporate “neutrality.”

Evidence & Analysis:

The “Political Audit” identifies a governance culture that actively protects Israeli interests while systematically suppressing Palestinian solidarity.

• Leadership Alignment (The CFI Connection):
  The appointment of Jason Tarry as Chairman is a critical indicator of political drift. His documented engagement with the Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI) aligns the Partnership’s highest office with a partisan lobbying group explicitly dedicated to defending Israeli state actions and opposing BDS.8 This follows the tenure of Mark Price, who transitioned from Waitrose MD to Trade Minister promoting UK-Israel ties.
  • Inference: This pattern suggests that pro-Israel alignment is a prerequisite, or at least a highly favored trait, for JLP leadership. Tarry’s history at Tesco—where he resisted calls to boycott settlement goods—provides a predictive model for his chairmanship at JLP: a steadfast refusal to engage with the ethics of the occupation.⁸
• The “Safe Harbor” Double Standard (Ukraine vs. Gaza):
  The “Safe Harbor” test reveals a stark and indefensible hypocrisy in the Partnership’s ethical framework.
  • Ukraine (2022): JLP acted with speed and moral clarity. Within days of the invasion, it enacted a total boycott of Russian goods, including minor items like pizza pellets and vodka. Leadership issued statements declaring that “conflict strikes at the heart of our values” and publicly donated to the Red Cross.⁸
  • Gaza (2023-2025): In contrast, JLP has refused to remove settlement goods, despite the illegality of the settlements being recognized by the UK government and international law. Statements have been vague, depoliticized, and avoid attributing responsibility. There has been no equivalent “stand” for Palestinian rights or divestment from complicit suppliers.⁸
  • Conclusion: This asymmetry proves that “neutrality” is a lie. The Partnership is an ideological actor that sanctions enemies of the UK state (Russia) but protects allies (Israel), regardless of the human rights reality.
• Disciplinary Suppression (The Colleen Anthony Case):
  The dismissal of Colleen Anthony for wearing a “Free Palestine” badge—while Ukraine ribbons and Pride badges were encouraged—demonstrates the weaponization of HR policy.8
  • The Mechanism: JLP cited “brand damage” as the reason for dismissal. This explicitly prioritizes the comfort of pro-Israel customers over the human rights and freedom of expression of its staff. The tribunal documents reveal a corporate culture where support for Palestine is viewed as “controversial” and “damaging,” while support for other causes is “aligned with values.” This creates a hostile environment for employees who oppose the occupation.⁸
• The “Taste of Israel” Propaganda Campaign:
  Waitrose’s distribution of the “Taste of Israel” brochure, paid for by the Israeli Ministry of Tourism, was a direct act of political complicity. By distributing a document that erased the Green Line and claimed occupied territory as “Israel,” Waitrose acted as a vector for state propaganda. The subsequent ban by the ASA confirms the misleading nature of the material, yet Waitrose’s response was deflection rather than apology.8

Analytical Assessment: High Confidence. JLP displays significant political complicity through leadership affiliation, policy asymmetry, and the suppression of anti-occupation expression. The “Partnership” democracy is bypassed to enforce a pro-Israel geopolitical stance.

Named Entities / Evidence Map:

• Jason Tarry: Chairman (CFI ties).
• Colleen Anthony: Dismissed employee (Evidence of bias).
• Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI): Lobbying network linked to leadership.
• Taste of Israel: Propaganda campaign (Ideological support).

Domain 4: Military & Intelligence Complicity

Goal: To assess the direct or indirect support provided to the Israeli military apparatus.

Evidence & Analysis:

While Waitrose does not manufacture kinetic weaponry, its complicity in the military domain is defined by Logistical Sustainment and Dual-Use Technology.

• Logistical Sustainment of Occupation Infrastructure:
  The settlements in the Jordan Valley are not just residential; they are strategic military assets designed to sever the continuity of a future Palestinian state. By sourcing from agricultural companies like Mehadrin and Hadiklaim that operate within these zones, Waitrose provides the economic lifeblood that sustains this strategic depth. The roads, water infrastructure, and security perimeters used by these agricultural exporters are integrated with the IDF’s occupation infrastructure. Waitrose’s revenue helps maintain the viability of these “civilian” assets that serve a military purpose.13
• The Cyber-Military Feedback Loop:
  The procurement of Check Point, SentinelOne, and Shopic directly supports the “Unit 8200 Alumni” ecosystem.
  • Mechanism: The Israeli tech sector functions as a dual-use pipeline. Technologies developed for military signals intelligence (SIGINT) are commercialized. When JLP pays license fees to these firms, it funds R&D that flows back into the ecosystem, maintaining the IDF’s technological edge.
  • Supply Chain Risk: By integrating these tools, JLP exposes its supply chain to “foreign influence” risks. The reliance on non-UK/US aligned intel-tech (specifically Unit 8200 derivatives) introduces a potential counter-intelligence vulnerability, as these firms maintain close ties to the Israeli defense establishment.¹³

Analytical Assessment: Moderate-High Confidence. Complicity is indirect but material. JLP acts as a financier for the “civilian” wing of the occupation’s logistics and the “commercial” wing of its cyber-intelligence apparatus.

5. BDS-1000 Classification

Results Summary:

• Final Score: 405
• Tier: Tier C (High Complicity)

Justification Summary:

The John Lewis Partnership (Waitrose) receives a score of 405, placing it firmly in Tier C (High Complicity). This score reflects a corporation that has integrated the occupation economy into its supply chain and governance structure.

• The Political Score (5.14) is the driver, reflecting the “Systemic Bias” of leadership (CFI ties) and the discriminatory internal policies (Colleen Anthony case).
• The Digital Score (3.9) reflects a “Strategic Dependency” on Israeli military-grade tech (Check Point, Shopic), capped only because JLP is a buyer, not a seller.
• The Economic Score (2.78) quantifies the sustained, high-volume trade with settlement aggregators (Mehadrin/Hadiklaim), mitigated slightly by the use of the Primafruit cutout which reduces direct proximity but not material impact.

BDS-1000 Scoring Matrix – Waitrose

Domain	Impact (I)	Magnitude (M)	Proximity (P)	V-Domain Score
Military (V-MIL)	0.0	0.0	0.0	0.0
Digital (V-DIG)	3.9	8.5	7.8	3.9
Economic (V-ECON)	3.5	6.5	6.0	2.78
Political (V-POL)	6.0	6.0	9.0	5.14

V-Domain Calculations:

• V-MIL: $0.0$. No direct weapons manufacturing.
• V-DIG: Impact 3.9 (Soft Dual-Use Procurement). Magnitude 8.5 (Systemic/Critical Infrastructure). Proximity 7.8 (Strategic Partner/Reference Customer).$$V_{DIG} = 3.9 \times \min(8.5/7,1) \times \min(7.8/7,1) = 3.9 \times 1 \times 1 = \mathbf{3.9}$$
• V-ECON: Impact 3.5 (Sustained Trade/Settlement Origin). Magnitude 6.5 (Significant Scale/Winter Window dependency). Proximity 6.0 (Exclusive Intermediary/Primafruit).$$V_{ECON} = 3.5 \times \min(6.5/7,1) \times \min(6.0/7,1) = 3.5 \times 0.928 \times 0.857 = \mathbf{2.78}$$
• V-POL: Impact 6.0 (Systemic Bias/Disciplinary Action). Magnitude 6.0 (Standard Policy). Proximity 9.0 (Direct Operator/Board Level).$$V_{POL} = 6.0 \times \min(6.0/7,1) \times \min(9.0/7,1) = 6.0 \times 0.857 \times 1 = \mathbf{5.14}$$

Final Composite Calculation:

• $V_{MAX} = 5.14$ (Political)
• $Sum_{OTHERS} = 0.0 + 3.9 + 2.78 = 6.68$

BDS Score Formula:

$$BDS_{Score} = \frac{V_{MAX} + (Sum_{OTHERS} \times 0.2)}{16} \times 1000 \\ BDS_{Score} = \frac{5.14 + (6.68 \times 0.2)}{16} \times 1000 \\ BDS_{Score} = \frac{5.14 + 1.336}{16} \times 1000 \\ BDS_{Score} = \frac{6.476}{16} \times 1000 \\ BDS_{Score} = 0.40475 \times 1000 = \mathbf{405}$$

Grade Classification:

Based on the score of 405, the company falls within:

Tier: Tier C (High Complicity)

6. Recommended Action(s)

Boycott Strategy:

A targeted and seasonal consumer boycott is recommended to maximize economic pressure.

• The “Winter Window” (December – April): This is the period of highest vulnerability for Waitrose’s supply chain. Activists should target the “Jaffa” citrus and avocado lines sourced from Mehadrin.
• The “Duchy” Boycott: Specifically target the Duchy Organic range of Medjool dates. Highlighting the link between the King’s charity and settlement produce creates a high-visibility reputational crisis that JLP will be forced to address.
• Label Watch: Consumers must be educated that “Produce of West Bank” in Waitrose (specifically herbs and dates) equals Settlement Produce. These items should be boycotted entirely.

Divestment:

Institutional investors, particularly ethical pension funds and trade union funds, should review their holdings in John Lewis Partnership bonds. The company’s “High Complicity” score and its exposure to legal risks regarding settlement trade (as per recent ICJ rulings) make it a toxic asset for ESG-compliant portfolios. Engagement should focus on the Pension Trust’s lack of exclusionary screening for occupation-complicit firms.

Public Exposure & Litigation:

• Challenge the Labeling: Legal challenges should be brought against Waitrose for misleading consumers with the “West Bank” label, citing consumer protection laws.
• Shopic Campaign: Privacy rights groups should be alerted to the Shopic trial. A campaign framing this as “Military Surveillance in your Supermarket” could force a rollback of the technology due to consumer backlash.
• Workforce Solidarity: Support campaigns for dismissed staff like Colleen Anthony. Unions (USDAW, GMB) should be pressured to defend members’ rights to political expression, challenging the “neutrality” policy as discriminatory.

Monitoring:

• Monitor the expansion of the Shopic trial to new stores.
• Track the Primafruit supply chain for any shifts in sourcing or labeling in response to pressure.
• Watch for further announcements regarding the Google Cloud partnership and the integration of specific Israeli security vendors (Wiz, etc.).

Works cited

1. Waitrose Economic Audit
2. UK supermarket still selling illegal Israeli goods, says charity – Inminds, accessed on December 5, 2025, http://inminds.com/article.php?id=10363
3. Waitrose denies claims over Israeli products | Article – Fruitnet, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://www.fruitnet.com/fresh-produce-journal/waitrose-denies-claims-over-israeli-products/151292.article
4. Waitrose Digital Audit
5. Why Waitrose is Trialling an AI-Powered Shopping Trolley – Supply Chain Digital Magazine, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://supplychaindigital.com/news/waitrose-the-ai-smart-trolley
6. Waitrose tracks shoppers with AI trollies – MediaCat UK, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://mediacat.uk/waitrose-tracks-shoppers-with-ai-trollies/
7. John Lewis Partnership accelerates technology transformation with £100m Google Cloud agreement, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://www.johnlewispartnership.co.uk/media-centre/latest-news/2023/17387
8. Waitrose Political Audit
9. HOUSE OF LORDS – Hansard, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://hansard.parliament.uk/pdf/Lords%E2%80%8F/2018-12-19
10. John Lewis Partnership appoints Jason Tarry as new chairman – Retail Bulletin, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://www.theretailbulletin.com/general-merchandise/john-lewis-partnership-appoints-jason-tarry-as-new-chairman-08-04-2024/
11. Support Colleen’s claim against John Lewis plc – CrowdJustice, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://www.crowdjustice.com/case/support-colleens-claim/
12. ukraine-crisis-appeal | Waitrose & Partners, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://www.waitrose.com/ecom/content/ukraine-crisis-appeal
13. Waitrose Military Audit
14. Ethics & Sustainability Report 2024/25 – John Lewis Partnership, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://www.johnlewispartnership.co.uk/~/media/Files/J/john-lewis/corp/documents/jlp-es-report-2024-25.pdf
15. Ukraine statement – John Lewis Partnership, accessed on December 5, 2025, https://www.johnlewispartnership.co.uk/media-centre/latest-news/2022/14059
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