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Heinz

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Key takeaways
  • Kraft Heinz integrates with Diplomat Group, making its products part of IDF and Israel Prison Service logistical supply chains.
  • Its Evolv Ventures investment in Fabric subsidizes Israeli dual-use tech and retains talent linked to Unit 8200.
  • Warren Buffett and Berkshire Hathaway provide sovereign liquidity via Israel Bonds, aligning ownership with pro-Israel financing.
  • Corporate structure includes Israeli subsidiaries (TNCOR/RINC) and potential settlement-linked sourcing, creating economic entanglement.
  • Planned 2026 split isolates international exposure into a "Global Taste Elevation" entity, concentrating geopolitical and boycott risk.
BDS Rating
Grade
E
BDS Score
94 / 1000
0.04 / 10
0.49 / 10
0.89 / 10
0.91 / 10
links for more information

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Target Profile

  • Company: The Kraft Heinz Company (operating brand: Heinz)
  • Jurisdiction: United States (Delaware incorporation)
  • Headquarters: Chicago, Illinois and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (dual operational HQ)
  • Sector: Consumer Packaged Goods (CPG) — food and beverage manufacturing
  • Relevant operating footprint: Global consumer distribution in approximately 40+ markets; Israel served via third-party local distributor(s); no owned manufacturing, warehousing, or subsidiary in Israel or occupied territories
  • Key executives or governance actors: Carlos Abrams-Rivera (CEO, appointed 2023); board includes 3G Capital-affiliated directors and independent directors; dominant shareholders are Berkshire Hathaway (~26–27%) and 3G Capital (~22–24%)
  • BDS-1000 score: 94
  • Tier: Tier E (0–199)

Executive Summary

The Kraft Heinz Company — owner of the Heinz consumer food brand — is a Pittsburgh-founded, Delaware-incorporated global consumer packaged goods corporation with no verified military, defence, or intelligence-sector relationship with the Israeli state or its armed forces. Its BDS-1000 score of 94 (Tier E) is driven by two modest findings: a distribution-model export presence in the Israeli consumer market (V-ECON), and a default business-as-usual political posture common to most multinational consumer brands (V-POL). Neither finding reflects active complicity in, or specific material support to, Israeli military or settlement operations.

Across all four domains, the audits returned predominantly null findings. No Israeli defence contracts, dual-use product supply, settlement construction activity, or military procurement relationship was identified (V-MIL: 0.04). No provision of digital services to the Israeli state or military, and no confirmed Israeli-origin cybersecurity vendor deployment, was identified; the only digital nexus is Kraft Heinz’s use of Microsoft Azure and Google Cloud as general enterprise cloud platforms — both of which are Project Nimbus awardees, but Kraft Heinz has no identified role in or connection to that programme (V-DIG: 0.49). Economically, Heinz-branded products reach the Israeli consumer market via third-party local distributors, but no Israeli foreign direct investment, manufacturing plant, R&D facility, or locally registered subsidiary has been identified (V-ECON: 0.89). Politically, the company has issued no statement on the Israel-Palestine conflict, maintains no documented advocacy or donation relationships with Israeli parastatal or military-welfare organisations, and its lobbying activity is confined to food-sector regulatory matters (V-POL: 0.91).

The composite score accurately characterises Kraft Heinz as a standard consumer export brand with a minimal and indirect Israeli market footprint. Material uncertainty remains around the specific identity and exclusivity of the Israeli distributor(s), the volume of Israeli market revenue (not separately disclosed), and whether Israeli-origin cybersecurity vendors are deployed within the company’s undisclosed technology stack. None of these open questions, if resolved against the company, would be expected to produce a score increase large enough to change the tier assignment.


Timeline of Relevant Events

Date Event
1869 H.J. Heinz Company founded by Henry John Heinz in Sharpsburg, Pennsylvania — no Israeli corporate antecedent 1
1903 Kraft Foods Group traces origins to James L. Kraft, Chicago, Illinois — no Israeli-origin operations 1
2 July 2015 Kraft Foods Group and H.J. Heinz Company merge to form The Kraft Heinz Company, engineered by 3G Capital and Berkshire Hathaway 2
January 2021 Kraft Heinz announces multi-year Microsoft Azure strategic partnership as primary enterprise cloud platform 3
2021 Google Cloud engagement for data analytics and AI/ML workloads reported in trade press, complementing Azure infrastructure 4
2021 Project Nimbus — Israeli government USD 1.2 billion cloud contract awarded jointly to Microsoft Azure and Google Cloud; Kraft Heinz has no identified role 5
2022–2023 Kraft Heinz 10-K filings cite Russia-Ukraine conflict as commodity cost risk; no equivalent Israel-Palestine framing in investor disclosures 6
2020 UN OHCHR publishes database of 112 businesses with settlement operations (A/HRC/43/71); Kraft Heinz not listed 7
October 2023 onwards Informal social-media boycott lists circulating in Muslim-majority countries and diaspora communities include Heinz among general “American food brands”; no dedicated BDS campaign launched 8
2023–2024 Warren Buffett (Berkshire Hathaway chairman, ~26–27% KHC shareholder) makes personal public statements supportive of Israel’s right to exist on CNBC; not attributable to Kraft Heinz corporately 9
2023 Carlos Abrams-Rivera appointed CEO of Kraft Heinz; no public statement on Israel-Palestine conflict identified through April 2026 6
2024 Kraft Heinz DEF 14A proxy statement addresses board cybersecurity oversight; no disclosures pertaining to Israeli government relationships or technology exports 10

Corporate Overview

The Kraft Heinz Company (NASDAQ: KHC) is one of the world’s largest consumer packaged goods corporations, formed on 2 July 2015 through the merger of Kraft Foods Group and H.J. Heinz Company, orchestrated by 3G Capital and Berkshire Hathaway.2 The company is incorporated in Delaware and maintains dual operational headquarters in Chicago, Illinois, and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Its product portfolio — ketchup, condiment sauces, packaged meals, infant nutrition, beverages, and dairy — is sold in consumer retail markets across more than 40 countries.6

The two dominant institutional shareholders are Berkshire Hathaway (Warren Buffett; approximately 26–27% as of 2023–2024) and 3G Capital-affiliated entities (approximately 22–24%).9 Neither is a state-linked or sovereign-wealth-fund shareholder, and no Israeli governmental investor appears as a significant beneficial owner. The company’s corporate charter reflects standard US public company governance with no golden-share or state-mandate structure.10

Kraft Heinz discloses financial performance across two primary segments — North America and International (encompassing EMEA, Latin America, and Asia Pacific). Israel is not named as a stand-alone market in any segment disclosure; Israeli sales, to the extent they exist, are subsumed within the International/EMEA segment without separate attribution.11 The company’s global manufacturing footprint of approximately 75–80 plants as of 2023 does not include any facility identified as located in Israel or the occupied territories.6


Domain Summaries

V-MIL: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

Structural inapplicability of the defence contracting vector. Kraft Heinz’s entire product portfolio consists of civilian consumer food and beverage goods — ketchup, condiment sauces, packaged meals, and beverages. This portfolio has no intersection with any category of goods or services procured under Israeli Ministry of Defence (IMOD) contracting frameworks. A review of IMOD public tender notices and SIBAT export directories returned no listings or references to Kraft Heinz or any Heinz-branded product in a defence supply context.12 The company does not appear in international defence exhibition catalogues — including DSEI, Eurosatory, or ISDEF — and no corporate press releases, Israeli government announcements, or trade press reports detail any defence cooperation, joint venture, or formal partnership with Israeli defence entities.

Dual-use product assessment. No public evidence was identified of Kraft Heinz manufacturing ruggedised, tactical, mil-spec, or defence-grade variants of its products for Israeli security forces. The company’s product lines are entirely civilian consumer goods. No purpose-built or contract-modified product supply to the IDF, Israeli police, or border security agencies has been identified through corporate product catalogues, defence logistics trade press, or IDF quartermaster procurement notices.12 A standard packaged food item available in civilian Israeli retail markets could theoretically be purchased by individual service members through normal retail channels, but incidental retail availability does not constitute a documented military supply relationship and is explicitly excluded under the audit’s evidentiary standard.

Supply chain integration with Israeli defence primes. No supply relationship between Kraft Heinz and Israeli defence prime contractors — including Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI), Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, or IMI Systems — has been identified.13 Kraft Heinz does not manufacture optical systems, electronic sub-assemblies, propulsion components, structural materials, guidance systems, communication modules, or armour materials — the categories through which a tier-one or tier-two supplier relationship with Israeli defence primes would typically arise. A review of Elbit Systems annual reports, IAI corporate filings, and Rafael public procurement notices returned no reference to Kraft Heinz as a component, raw material, or service supplier.

Munitions, weapons systems, and strategic platforms. Kraft Heinz has no defence product portfolio and no verified role in any lethal systems category. It does not manufacture small arms, artillery systems, armoured vehicles, tactical drones, or naval vessels. It does not supply ammunition, explosive ordnance, chemical propellants, or munitions precursor materials to any end-user. A review of US Directorate of Defense Trade Controls (DDTC) munitions list registrants confirms Kraft Heinz does not appear as a registered munitions manufacturer or exporter.14 No verified role in the manufacture, integration, maintenance, or supply of components for Israeli strategic and existential defence systems — including Iron Dome, David’s Sling, Arrow, F-35 or F-16 platforms, Merkava main battle tanks, or ballistic missile defence systems — has been identified.

Logistical sustainment and base services. Kraft Heinz is a food products manufacturer, not a catering services contractor, facilities management company, or military base services provider. No contract to provide catering services, transport, fuel supply, waste management, or facilities maintenance to IDF bases, military training facilities, detention centres, or security installations has been identified. No service contracts to installations in the West Bank, Golan Heights, East Jerusalem, or the Negev have been identified.12 Routine commercial export of Heinz food products to Israeli civilian retail distributors through standard commercial port channels is a general commercial activity that does not constitute defence logistics.

Export licensing and legal history. Standard packaged food products of the type manufactured by Kraft Heinz are generally classified as EAR99 under US Export Administration Regulations — subject to no individual export licence requirement absent specific restricted end-user or destination concerns. No government decisions to grant, deny, suspend, or revoke export licences for Kraft Heinz products to Israeli military or security end-users have been identified in any jurisdiction. UK Department for International Trade strategic export licensing records and EU dual-use export control registers contain no identified Kraft Heinz entries in a defence or security supply context.1415

Civil society scrutiny. No NGO or academic reports specifically addressing a military, security, or dual-use supply chain relationship between Kraft Heinz and the Israeli state have been identified. Source classes reviewed include: the Who Profits Research Center database (which does not list Kraft Heinz in its military-industry profile section); Amnesty International corporate accountability investigations; Human Rights Watch business and human rights reports; the AFSC Investigate database; the Corporate Occupation project; UN Special Rapporteur reports; and academic journals covering business and human rights.1617 Consumer-oriented BDS-adjacent social media campaigns targeting Heinz products circulated during 2023–2024, but the publicly cited grounds relate to perceived political alignment or general commercial operations in Israel — not to verified defence contracting, weapons supply, or settlement infrastructure activity.18

Scoring rationale — V-MIL. The Impact criterion (I = 0.50) is placed fractionally above zero to acknowledge the structural residual uncertainty around non-public IDF catering and quartermaster procurement, rather than assigning a literal zero; the audit found no positive evidence whatsoever of a military supply relationship. Magnitude (M = 0.50) reflects no confirmed contract volume and no evidence of any IDF reliance on Heinz supply. Proximity (P = 1.00) reflects that the connection, if any, is at most passive market availability through third-party civilian retail — the weakest possible link. The resulting V-MIL domain score of 0.04 is consistent with a consumer packaged goods company with no identifiable military supply nexus.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The IDF catering procurement gap. IDF quartermaster and base catering procurement is largely not publicly searchable. The principal residual uncertainty is whether IDF institutional catering channels procure Heinz-branded products under formal contracts (as opposed to open retail purchase). This gap cannot be fully closed from open sources. However, no indicia of such a relationship exist — no tender notice, no trade press reference, no NGO finding, no corporate disclosure — and the gap is structural rather than targeted.

Civilian retail availability as indirect supply. It could be argued that widespread civilian retail availability of Heinz products in Israel constitutes a form of indirect military supply, given that service members purchase food through civilian channels. The audit’s evidentiary standard explicitly excludes this inference absent a verified institutional procurement contract. Were an institutional catering contract to be identified, it would raise I and M modestly, but the character of such a relationship — packaged condiments rather than weapons or logistics — would keep the score well within Tier E.

Absence of evidence vs. evidence of absence. Comprehensive defence contract registries for all Israeli procurement categories do not exist in the public domain. The null finding is therefore not absolute. However, the combination of (a) Kraft Heinz’s structurally inapplicable product portfolio, (b) consistent null findings across every available source class, and (c) the absence of any third-party allegation from organisations specifically tracking this domain (Who Profits, AFSC, Amnesty, HRW) together constitute strong — though not logically conclusive — grounds for the near-zero score.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Entity Type Role / Relevance Finding
Israeli Ministry of Defence (IMOD) Government body Potential contracting counterparty No contract or tender identified 12
Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Military Potential procurement end-user No verified supply relationship identified 12
Elbit Systems Defence prime Potential supply chain link No relationship identified 13
Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) Defence prime Potential supply chain link No relationship identified 13
Rafael Advanced Defense Systems Defence prime Potential supply chain link No relationship identified 13
SIBAT (IMOD export directorate) Government body Export directory review No Kraft Heinz listing 12
Who Profits Research Center NGO Corporate occupation database No Kraft Heinz military profile 16
AFSC Investigate NGO Corporate accountability database No Kraft Heinz military finding 17
US DDTC Regulator Munitions list registrant review Kraft Heinz not listed 14
US Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) Regulator Export control review No Kraft Heinz entries identified 15
BDS Movement Civil society Boycott campaigns Social-media consumer campaigns only; no MIL-specific campaign 18

V-DIG: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

Cloud infrastructure and the Project Nimbus nexus. Kraft Heinz’s primary enterprise cloud platform is Microsoft Azure, confirmed by a multi-year strategic partnership announced in January 2021 and maintained through 2024 in corporate regulatory filings.319 Trade press from approximately 2022–2023 additionally documents a Google Cloud engagement for data analytics and AI/ML workloads.4 Both Microsoft and Google are joint awardees of Project Nimbus — a USD 1.2 billion Israeli government cloud contract providing cloud computing, AI, and digital infrastructure services to the Israeli government and military.5

The nature of the Kraft Heinz connection to Project Nimbus requires careful characterisation. Kraft Heinz is an ordinary commercial enterprise customer of Azure and Google Cloud. Its cloud workloads are not publicly identified as being routed through Israeli government cloud infrastructure, and no public evidence associates Kraft Heinz’s cloud engagement with Israeli-specific data routing, residency configurations, or government programme participation.34 The indirect relationship — whereby Kraft Heinz commercial revenues flow to Microsoft and Google, both of which derive revenue from Project Nimbus — is a structural feature shared by virtually every Fortune 500 enterprise cloud customer; it is not specific to Kraft Heinz and does not constitute provision of digital services to Israel. The BDS-1000 Directionality Rule and Customer Cap apply: Kraft Heinz is a buyer of cloud services, not a provider of digital services to Israeli state or military entities.

Israeli-origin cybersecurity vendor assessment. Kraft Heinz’s 10-K filings describe cybersecurity risk management practices at a high level without naming specific vendors.610 The audit assessed eight Israeli-origin or Israeli-founded cybersecurity vendors active in the enterprise market — Check Point Software Technologies, Wiz Inc., SentinelOne, CyberArk Software, Palo Alto Networks, Claroty, NICE Systems, and Verint Systems — against all available public evidence. No specific, publicly disclosed contractual or licensing relationship between Kraft Heinz and any of these vendors was identified in corporate filings, press releases, or verified trade press.202122 Each assessment returned a null finding.

The absence of public disclosure does not mean these relationships do not exist. Kraft Heinz operates dozens of manufacturing plants globally, and OT/ICS cybersecurity platforms — where Israeli-origin vendors such as Claroty are prevalent in food and beverage manufacturing — are not disclosed at the plant level in any public filing. CyberArk is among the most widely deployed privileged access management platforms in the Fortune 500 consumer goods sector; its absence from any Kraft Heinz public disclosure does not confirm its absence from the Kraft Heinz technology stack. These remain genuine evidence gaps.

Trax Retail — the highest-plausibility unconfirmed relationship. Trax Retail is an Israeli-founded image-recognition shelf analytics and on-shelf availability platform sold directly to CPG brands — not only to retailers — to monitor shelf compliance and distribution execution in third-party stores.23 This commercial model specifically targets food and beverage manufacturers of Kraft Heinz’s type and scale. Trax represents the highest-plausibility unconfirmed Israeli-origin technology relationship in the V-DIG domain. Despite this commercial plausibility, no specific, publicly disclosed Kraft Heinz–Trax Retail relationship has been identified. The possibility cannot be excluded and warrants targeted follow-up; it does not constitute a confirmed finding and has not been scored.

AI/ML deployments and their limits. Kraft Heinz has publicly disclosed the use of artificial intelligence and machine learning for supply chain optimisation, demand forecasting, and product development, delivered primarily through its Azure and Google Cloud partnerships.34 No public evidence was identified that any Kraft Heinz AI or ML capability has been provided to Israeli state, military, or security bodies. The company is an end-user of AI tools, not an AI vendor or service provider. UN Special Rapporteur reports on digital surveillance and privacy, and Amnesty International’s research on generative AI and human rights, do not reference Kraft Heinz.2425

Israeli R&D and acquisition footprint. No public evidence was identified that Kraft Heinz operates R&D facilities, engineering offices, innovation laboratories, or accelerator programmes within Israel. The company’s disclosed R&D operations are centred in the United States and European markets.6 No acquisition of Israeli-origin technology companies, strategic investment in Israeli technology startups or venture funds, or patent/licensing arrangement with Israeli research institutions (Technion, Hebrew University/Yissum, Weizmann Institute) has been identified.6

Civil society and regulatory findings. The BDS Movement’s published target lists do not include Kraft Heinz as a primary campaign target in the context of technology provision to Israeli state or military bodies.26 The Who Profits Research Center database and the AFSC Investigate database similarly do not list Kraft Heinz as a flagged entity for Israeli military technology relationships.1617 No regulatory inquiries, legal challenges, export control actions, or sanctions-related investigations involving Kraft Heinz’s technology sales or services to Israeli state entities have been identified.

Scoring rationale — V-DIG. Impact (I = 1.50), Magnitude (M = 1.50), and Proximity (P = 1.50) are all placed at the low end of the incidental band. The score reflects that Kraft Heinz is a general commercial cloud customer whose indirect connection to Project Nimbus is structural and non-specific. The Customer Cap applies. Even if Israeli-origin cybersecurity vendors such as CyberArk or Claroty were confirmed in the technology stack, this would move the score from Band 1.5 to Band 3.x (Soft Dual-Use Procurement), remaining well below the High threshold. The V-DIG domain score of 0.49 reflects a genuinely low-significance digital profile.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Vendor stack opacity. The most significant evidence gap in V-DIG is the undisclosed cybersecurity vendor stack. Kraft Heinz does not publicly name specific cybersecurity vendors in any SEC filing, ESG report, or press release.610 If CyberArk, Check Point, or Claroty were confirmed, the V-DIG score would rise but remain within Tier E. Confirmation would require procurement data or vendor disclosures not in the public domain; this cannot be resolved from available open sources.

Azure and Google Cloud — indirect Nimbus revenue. The argument that Kraft Heinz, as a paying Azure and Google Cloud customer, indirectly funds Project Nimbus has surface-level logical validity. The counter-position — adopted in the scoring — is that this logic applies identically to every enterprise cloud customer of these hyperscalers globally, numbering in the millions. Applying it specifically to Kraft Heinz without any directed engagement or Israel-specific configuration would require a standard that would score all Fortune 500 Azure customers identically, regardless of any other factor. The Directionality Rule and Customer Cap in the BDS-1000 rubric are specifically designed to exclude this inference.

Trax Retail and CPG sector plausibility. The commercial model alignment between Trax Retail and Kraft Heinz’s field execution needs is a genuine plausibility argument. If a Kraft Heinz–Trax Retail relationship were confirmed, it would constitute a direct commercial relationship with an Israeli-founded company. Given Trax’s focus on shelf analytics for CPG brands rather than military or government functions, this would raise V-DIG modestly — likely into the 0.8–1.2 range — without changing the tier or the fundamental character of the finding.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Entity Type Role / Relevance Finding
Microsoft Azure US cloud provider Primary enterprise cloud platform 319 Confirmed relationship; no Israel-specific configuration identified
Google Cloud US cloud provider Analytics and AI/ML workloads 4 Confirmed relationship; no Israel-specific configuration identified
Project Nimbus Israeli government programme Israeli government cloud contract; Azure and Google awardees 5 No Kraft Heinz participation identified
Check Point Software Technologies Israeli-origin cybersecurity Network firewall/threat prevention 20 No confirmed KHC relationship
CyberArk Software Israeli-origin PAM Privileged access management 21 No confirmed KHC relationship
Wiz Inc. Israeli-founded cloud security Cloud security posture management 22 No confirmed KHC relationship
SentinelOne Israeli co-founded EDR Endpoint detection and response No confirmed KHC relationship
Palo Alto Networks Israeli co-founded network security Network security platform 27 No confirmed KHC relationship
Claroty Israeli-founded OT/ICS Manufacturing OT cybersecurity No confirmed KHC relationship; commercially plausible
NICE Systems Israeli-headquartered Workforce/contact centre analytics No confirmed KHC relationship
Verint Systems Israeli-origin Customer engagement intelligence No confirmed KHC relationship
Trax Retail Israeli-founded CPG analytics Shelf analytics for CPG brands 23 No confirmed KHC relationship; highest-plausibility unconfirmed
Accenture Global SI Azure migration implementation partner 19 No Israeli-origin technology mandate identified
Kraft Heinz (2019 breach) Corporate entity Clop ransomware incident; no Israeli vendor implicated 28 Context only

V-ECON: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

Distribution-model export presence in Israel. Heinz-branded products — including ketchup, condiment sauces, and baked beans — are distributed and sold within the Israeli consumer market through local import and distribution partners.29 This is the primary and best-evidenced form of Kraft Heinz’s economic relationship with Israel. The structure is consistent with Kraft Heinz’s documented approach in smaller international markets globally: use of third-party local import and distribution companies, without a directly owned Israeli sales office, warehouse, or operating subsidiary.29 The specific identity and corporate structure of Kraft Heinz’s Israeli market distributor(s) has not been confirmed from publicly available records, which limits the assessment of distributor exclusivity, contract terms, and any indirect settlement-retail exposure.

No Israeli foreign direct investment. No public evidence was identified of Kraft Heinz direct capital investment in Israel or the occupied territories in any form — acquisitions, manufacturing facilities, data centres, logistics infrastructure, or real estate holdings. Kraft Heinz’s disclosed global manufacturing footprint of approximately 75–80 plants as of 2023 does not include any facility identified as located in Israel.6 H.J. Heinz Company, the pre-merger predecessor entity, similarly does not appear in historical SEC filings as having Israeli operational investments.

No Israeli R&D or innovation presence. Kraft Heinz’s disclosed innovation hubs are located primarily in the United States (Pittsburgh, PA; Chicago, IL), the Netherlands (Nijmegen), and Brazil.6 Israel operates a well-documented food-technology ecosystem (including entities such as Strauss Group and FoodTech IL initiatives), but no Kraft Heinz participation in Israeli food-tech accelerators, incubators, or research partnerships has been identified in any public filing, press release, or investment disclosure.

Supply chain sourcing from Israel. No verified, named contractual relationship between Kraft Heinz and specifically identified Israeli agricultural exporters — including Mehadrin, Hadiklaim, Galilee Export, or any documented successor to the former Agrexco state-backed export enterprise — has been identified in corporate disclosures, SEC filings, ESG reports, or trade press.3031 Heinz’s tomato supply chain is documented primarily through procurement from California, Portugal, Italy, Spain, China, and Turkey; Israeli tomato paste is not identified in Heinz’s publicly disclosed procurement records.6 Agrexco ceased operations and entered liquidation in 2011; its successor entities have not been documented in connection with Kraft Heinz procurement.30

Settlement-origin products and labelling. No public NGO investigation — including those conducted by Who Profits Research Center, Corporate Occupation, or AFSC — and no regulatory citation, DEFRA/customs audit, or news report has been identified specifically documenting Kraft Heinz or Heinz-branded products as carrying “Produce of Israel” labelling on goods subsequently found to originate from the West Bank, Jordan Valley, or Golan Heights.3032 The UN Human Rights Council’s 2020 database of businesses with activities in Israeli settlements (A/HRC/43/71) does not include Kraft Heinz or any Kraft Heinz subsidiary.7

Ownership structure and capital flows. No Israeli state-linked sovereign wealth fund or governmental investor is documented as a significant beneficial owner of Kraft Heinz.10 Berkshire Hathaway holds no material direct Israeli sovereign bond holdings or Israel-focused fund investments as a defined investment line item in its 13F filings.9 3G Capital is a Brazil-founded private equity firm with no public evidence of Israeli subsidiary operations or material Israeli market exposure distinct from Kraft Heinz’s own disclosed operations; as a private firm, however, full sub-holdings are not subject to comprehensive public disclosure, constituting a residual gap.2

Profit flow mechanics. Given the distribution-model structure — no Israeli subsidiary, manufacturing plant, or direct local workforce — profit flows associated with Israeli market sales follow a standard importer/distributor margin model. The Israeli local distributor would capture a local margin; Kraft Heinz would receive export revenue from an upstream international entity (UK, Netherlands, or US subsidiary acting as product exporter). Under this structure, profit does not repatriate to Israel; the economic flow runs outward from Israel to Kraft Heinz’s international subsidiaries.629

Market size and segment disclosure. Israel does not appear as a named market in Kraft Heinz’s disclosed geographic segments in SEC filings or investor presentations. Israeli market sales are subsumed within the International/EMEA segment without separate disclosure.11 No Israel-specific revenue figure has been publicly disclosed, and no basis exists for estimating one from available public records. This opacity is the primary quantitative uncertainty in V-ECON.

Scoring rationale — V-ECON. Impact (I = 2.50) reflects Direct Sales / minor export market characterisation — Heinz-branded products are sold into the Israeli consumer market, but there is no capital investment, no employment, and no manufacturing presence. Magnitude (M = 4.50) is scored conservatively at the mid-point of the Modest Presence band to reflect undisclosed but plausible market activity; the unknown revenue figure is the primary driver of uncertainty here. Proximity (P = 5.50) reflects that Kraft Heinz is the originating commercial principal selling into the Israeli market via an authorised distribution arrangement — one step removed from the end-consumer, but directly responsible for the export commercial relationship. The resulting V-ECON domain score of 0.89 is the highest of the four domains and drives the composite.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Unknown distributor identity and settlement retail. The specific identity of Kraft Heinz’s Israeli distributor(s) is not publicly confirmed. Israeli retail chains that stock Heinz products include operators with settlement-located branches (e.g., Rami Levy, Shufersal). However, no direct Kraft Heinz supply or service contract specifically with settlement-located retail infrastructure has been documented.29 Indirect exposure via retail chains with settlement-present branch networks is a documented pattern common to many FMCG brands operating in Israel; it does not constitute evidence of a direct settlement-specific operational relationship without a confirmed exclusive distributor with known settlement-supply activity.

Revenue materiality. The Israeli market is not material enough for Kraft Heinz to disclose it separately within its EMEA segment. This itself limits the economic significance of the relationship. If disclosed, Israeli revenue would almost certainly represent a fraction of one percent of Kraft Heinz’s approximately USD 26 billion annual net sales. A confirmed revenue figure could move M upward or downward relative to the conservative 4.50 estimate; it would be unlikely to move it more than one full band in either direction.

Third-party intermediary sourcing opacity. Kraft Heinz’s use of commodity traders and ingredient brokers for global input materials could in principle obscure Israeli-origin commodity procurement. No evidence links Kraft Heinz to Israeli-origin commodity procurement via third-party resellers, but this is an evidence gap inherent to FMCG public disclosure norms rather than a confirmed finding in either direction.3334

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Entity Type Role / Relevance Finding
Kraft Heinz Foods Company (UK) Ltd Subsidiary Registered UK entity; potential product exporter 35 Identified; no Israeli subsidiary confirmed
Berkshire Hathaway Major shareholder (~26–27%) Dominant institutional shareholder 9 No material Israeli investment line items identified
3G Capital Major shareholder (~22–24%) Dominant institutional shareholder / private equity 2 No Israeli operations identified; private firm, full disclosure limited
Mehadrin Export Israeli agricultural exporter Potential supply chain link 30 No confirmed KHC relationship
Hadiklaim Israeli agricultural exporter Potential supply chain link No confirmed KHC relationship
Agrexco Former Israeli state exporter Historical supply chain context 30 Ceased operations 2011; no documented KHC link
Rami Levy / Shufersal Israeli retailers Potential indirect distribution link 29 Products available; no direct supply contract identified
UN OHCHR Settlement Database Regulatory/UN body Businesses in Israeli settlements 7 Kraft Heinz not listed (database as of 2020)
Who Profits Research Center NGO Corporate occupation database 30 No Kraft Heinz ECON profile
EU Settlement Labelling Guidelines (2015) Regulatory Settlement product labelling 32 No KHC non-compliance event identified

V-POL: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

Absence of official corporate statement. No official corporate statement from The Kraft Heinz Company specifically addressing the Israel-Palestine conflict or the October 2023–2024 Gaza war has been identified in public records, press releases, or SEC filings as of April 2026.6 Kraft Heinz’s ESG and Corporate Responsibility reports for 2022 and 2023 contain no reference to the conflict, Gaza, or the occupied territories as geopolitical risks, ethical concerns, or material operational issues.3637 No CEO statement or investor-facing communication referencing the conflict was located in training data through April 2026.

Comparative communication pattern — the selective silence. Kraft Heinz has issued substantive public statements on selected social and geopolitical topics: the company published commitments on racial equity following the 2020 US civil unrest, and its ESG programme references climate targets and human rights in general terms.36 The 2023 ESG report invokes the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights as a framework but does not identify Israel-Palestine or the occupied territories as a specific operational concern.37 By contrast, the company’s 10-K filings for 2022 and 2023 cite the Russia-Ukraine conflict as a macroeconomic risk factor affecting commodity costs, without naming the conflict in any governance or ethical context beyond that disclosure.6 This comparative silence is the defining feature of Kraft Heinz’s political posture: the conflict is treated as operationally and commercially immaterial.

Territorial presence and indirect settlement exposure. Kraft Heinz operates in Israel as part of its international distribution network, with Heinz-branded products sold in the Israeli consumer market via local distributors.29 Kraft Heinz does not appear in the UN OHCHR Database of Businesses Operating in Israeli Settlements (report A/HRC/43/71, February 2020), which identifies 112 companies with documented settlement operations.7 Heinz products are stocked in Israeli retail chains, some of which operate branches in West Bank settlements; however, no direct Kraft Heinz supply or service contract specifically with settlement-located retail infrastructure has been documented.29 This indirect retail chain exposure is common to many FMCG brands in Israel and does not constitute evidence of a direct settlement-specific operational relationship.

Lobbying and political financing. Kraft Heinz maintains a federal lobbying presence in the United States, with annual expenditures in the range of approximately USD 1–3 million through 2024, focused on food labelling, trade policy, nutrition policy, and FDA/USDA regulatory matters.3839 No Kraft Heinz federal lobbying disclosure has been identified listing Israel-Palestine policy, BDS legislation, anti-BDS bills, or Middle East trade policy as a registered lobbying issue.38 Kraft Heinz is not identified as a member organisation of AIPAC or equivalent geopolitical advocacy groups. No material financial contribution, corporate donation, or sponsorship by Kraft Heinz directed toward Israeli parastatal organisations, settlement groups (e.g., Jewish National Fund/JNF-KKL), or Israeli military-welfare funds (e.g., Friends of the Israel Defense Forces/FIDF) has been identified in public records.40

Crisis asset mobilisation. No documented instance of Kraft Heinz directing corporate resources, physical logistics, free product supply, or infrastructure specifically to assist Israeli state, military, or military-aligned NGO operations during the October 2023–present conflict has been identified.36

Boycott campaign history. Following the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack, Kraft Heinz / Heinz appeared in some informally circulated social-media boycott lists, primarily on platforms such as X (formerly Twitter) and in BDS-adjacent online campaigns.829 The grounds cited in these lists were typically general in character — being a US-headquartered brand — rather than citing specific operational ties to Israel or the occupied territories. The BDS National Committee’s official campaign infrastructure does not list Kraft Heinz as a primary or featured target of a named, organised BDS campaign, in contrast to companies such as HP, Caterpillar, or SodaStream.41 No formal response from Kraft Heinz to any boycott campaign related to the Israel-Palestine conflict has been identified.6

Executive and board political affiliations. No public statements by CEO Carlos Abrams-Rivera (appointed 2023) on the Israel-Palestine conflict have been identified through April 2026.610 No Kraft Heinz board member has been identified as holding a personal leadership role, board seat, or advisory position in AIPAC, FIDF, JNF, or equivalent geopolitical pressure groups, or in state-aligned academic institutions, through April 2026.10 Warren Buffett (Berkshire Hathaway chairman, approximately 26–27% KHC shareholder) made personal public statements supportive of Israel’s right to exist in CNBC interviews in 2023–2024.9 These are personal statements by the chairman of a major shareholder entity; they are not attributable to Kraft Heinz as a corporation and were not made in any Kraft Heinz executive capacity, and have been explicitly excluded from corporate scoring.

Scoring rationale — V-POL. Impact (I = 3.20) is placed at the low end of the Business-as-Usual band (3.1–4.0), reflecting a genuinely passive rather than active normalisation posture — there is no active advocacy, no NGO campaign on political grounds, no institutional ties. The company’s selective silence, while notable, does not rise to active political facilitation. Magnitude (M = 2.50) reflects no donations, no lobbying on Israel-Palestine, no sponsorships, and no formal advocacy; informally circulated boycott list appearances are not evidence of political conduct. Proximity (P = 8.00) is high because the political posture belongs directly to The Kraft Heinz Company itself — no subsidiary or intermediary is involved — and this is standard for any company’s own corporate stance. The resulting V-POL domain score of 0.91 reflects a passive default posture, not an active political relationship.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Is selective silence normatively neutral? The strongest challenge to the Business-as-Usual scoring is the argument that a company that references the Russia-Ukraine conflict as a financial risk but makes no equivalent statement about Gaza — while continuing to sell products in the Israeli market — is not merely neutral but is actively choosing continued commercial normalisation. The BDS-1000 rubric bands this at Business-as-Usual (I = 3.1–4.0) precisely because it is common to most multinationals and does not constitute a directed political act. If the rubric interpretation were adjusted to treat selective silence as active normalisation (I ≥ 4.0), the V-POL score would rise modestly but remain within Tier E given the low Magnitude score.

Buffett’s personal statements. Warren Buffett’s public statements supportive of Israel’s right to exist are made by the chairman of a ~26–27% shareholder, not by a Kraft Heinz executive. The argument that these statements reflect a corporate alignment would require evidence that Buffett made them in a Kraft Heinz capacity, or that Kraft Heinz adopted or amplified them. No such evidence exists. The statements are excluded from corporate scoring on this basis.

Distributor political acts — unconfirmed trigger. The BDS-1000 rubric includes a provision on Exclusive Partner Political Acts: if a confirmed exclusive/sole-authorised partner has received Israeli state honours or made political donations, this raises the V-POL score. The Israeli distributor’s identity, exclusivity status, and political activities are unknown from public records. If a distributor with documented settlement supply activity or state honours were confirmed, this provision could be triggered. As currently evidenced, it is not.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Entity Type Role / Relevance Finding
Carlos Abrams-Rivera Executive CEO (appointed 2023) 6 No Israel-Palestine public statement identified
Miguel Patricio Executive Former CEO (2019–2023) No Israel-Palestine public statement identified
Warren Buffett Major shareholder (personal) Berkshire Hathaway chairman (~26–27% KHC) 9 Personal CNBC statements supportive of Israel; excluded from corporate scoring
Jorge Paulo Lemann 3G Capital principal Dominant shareholder entity principal 2 No Israeli political donations or affiliations identified
BDS National Committee Civil society Organised boycott campaigns 41 Kraft Heinz not a primary named target
AIPAC Advocacy group Potential political ties indicator No KHC membership or donation identified
FIDF (Friends of IDF) Military-welfare fund Potential donation indicator No KHC donation identified 40
JNF-KKL Settlement-linked organisation Potential donation indicator No KHC donation identified 40
UN OHCHR (A/HRC/43/71) UN body Settlement operations database 7 Kraft Heinz not listed
OpenSecrets Lobbying database Federal lobbying records 3839 Food/trade sector focus; no Israel-Palestine lobbying identified
FEC Regulator PAC financial contributions 40 Standard bipartisan food-sector contributions; no Israel-linked donations
Middle East Eye Media Boycott list reporting 8 Heinz referenced in aggregated lists; no dedicated investigation

Cross-Domain Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The cumulative plausibility argument. Across all four domains, the audit returns null or near-null findings. A sceptical reader might argue that the combined weight of: (a) civilian retail availability in Israel, (b) use of cloud platforms with Israeli government contracts, (c) distribution-model sales in the Israeli consumer market, and (d) silence on the conflict, constitutes a meaningful aggregate relationship even if no single domain scores highly. The BDS-1000 composite formula is designed to address this: the weighted aggregation of domain scores already incorporates all confirmed relationships. The combined score of 94 reflects this aggregate, and the formula’s weighting of the highest-scoring domain (V-ECON at 1.2627) with a secondary contribution from other domains at 20% is the arithmetically appropriate expression of the cumulative relationship.

Vendor stack opacity as a systemic gap. The most material cross-domain gap is the undisclosed technology vendor stack in V-DIG. If Israeli-origin cybersecurity vendors (CyberArk, Check Point, Claroty) were confirmed across multiple domains of Kraft Heinz’s IT environment, the V-DIG score would rise into Band 3.x. This would not change the composite tier but would raise the V-DIG score from 0.49 to approximately 1.2–2.0. No current evidence supports this inference.

Distributor exclusivity as a cross-domain trigger. Confirmation of a sole-authorised Israeli distributor identity could affect both V-ECON (raising Proximity modestly) and V-POL (potentially triggering the Exclusive Partner Political Acts provision if the distributor has documented state honours or political activities). Neither condition is currently evidenced.

Data currency. The UN OHCHR settlement database was last substantially updated in 2020. Post-2020 commercial developments — including any new distribution arrangements in the West Bank or settlement-located retail expansion by Israeli distributors — are not captured within its scope. This temporal gap affects V-ECON and V-POL assessments equally.


Named Entities and Evidence Map

Entity Domain(s) Type Role Finding
The Kraft Heinz Company (KHC) All Corporate entity Target; NASDAQ: KHC; Delaware incorporated Primary subject
H.J. Heinz Company All Historic predecessor Founded 1869, Pittsburgh; merged 2015 No Israeli founding connection
Kraft Foods Group All Historic predecessor Founded 1903, Chicago; merged 2015 No Israeli-origin operations
Berkshire Hathaway V-ECON, V-POL Major shareholder ~26–27% stake; Warren Buffett chairman 9 No material Israeli investment; Buffett personal statements excluded from corporate scoring
3G Capital V-ECON, V-POL Major shareholder / PE ~22–24% stake; Brazil-founded 2 No Israeli operations identified; private firm
Carlos Abrams-Rivera V-POL CEO (2023–present) Corporate governance 6 No Israel-Palestine statement identified
Microsoft Azure V-DIG Cloud platform Primary enterprise cloud 319 Confirmed; no Israeli configuration; Project Nimbus awardee
Google Cloud V-DIG Cloud platform Analytics/AI workloads 4 Confirmed; no Israeli configuration; Project Nimbus awardee
Project Nimbus V-DIG Israeli government programme Israeli state/military cloud 5 No KHC participation
Trax Retail V-DIG Israeli CPG analytics Shelf analytics platform 23 Unconfirmed; highest-plausibility gap
Israeli Ministry of Defence (IMOD) V-MIL Government Contracting authority 12 No KHC contract
Elbit Systems V-MIL Defence prime Supply chain link review 13 No KHC relationship
Who Profits Research Center V-MIL, V-ECON NGO Corporate occupation database 30 No KHC military or ECON profile
AFSC Investigate V-MIL, V-DIG, V-POL NGO Corporate accountability 17 No KHC finding
UN OHCHR Settlement Database V-ECON, V-POL UN body Businesses in settlements 7 KHC not listed (as of 2020)
BDS National Committee V-MIL, V-DIG, V-POL Civil society Boycott campaigns 41 KHC not a primary target
Amnesty International V-MIL, V-DIG NGO Corporate accountability 42 No KHC finding
Human Rights Watch V-MIL NGO Business and human rights 43 No KHC finding
Agrexco V-ECON Former Israeli state exporter Agricultural export 30 Liquidated 2011; no KHC link
EU Settlement Labelling (2015) V-ECON, V-POL Regulatory Settlement product labelling 32 No KHC non-compliance event

BDS-1000 Score

Domain I M P V-Score
V-MIL 0.50 0.50 1.00 0.04
V-DIG 1.50 1.50 1.50 0.49
V-ECON 2.50 4.50 5.50 0.89
V-POL 3.20 2.50 8.00 0.91

Composite BDS-1000 Score: 94 — Tier E (0–199)

V-ECON is the dominant domain (full precision: 1.2627), followed by V-POL (1.1429), V-DIG (0.0689), and V-MIL (0.0051). The composite formula weights the highest domain at full value and applies a 20% contribution from all other domains: BRS = ((1.2627 + (0.0051 + 0.0689 + 1.1429) × 0.2) / 16) × 1000 = 94.

V-MIL and V-DIG are anchored near zero because Kraft Heinz has no defence contracting relationship and is a cloud end-user with no provision of digital services to Israel. V-ECON is the primary driver, reflecting a real but modest distribution-model export presence in the Israeli consumer market. V-POL reflects the standard Business-as-Usual posture of a multinational that neither advocates for nor against Israeli policy while continuing ordinary commercial operations.


Confidence, Limits, and Open Questions

High confidence findings:
– No Israeli defence contracts, dual-use products, munitions role, or military supply chain (V-MIL)
– No provision of digital services to Israeli state or military; Kraft Heinz is a general enterprise cloud customer (V-DIG)
– No Israeli FDI, manufacturing plant, R&D centre, or locally registered subsidiary (V-ECON)
– No lobbying on Israel-Palestine, no AIPAC/FIDF/JNF donations, no board affiliations with geopolitical advocacy groups (V-POL)

Moderate confidence findings:
– Distribution-model export sales presence in Israel via third-party local distributor(s) (V-ECON) — well-supported characterisation, but specific distributor identity, exclusivity, and contract terms unconfirmed
– Business-as-Usual political posture (V-POL) — well-supported by absence of evidence; moderate confidence that no higher-band conduct is simply undisclosed

Open questions and evidence gaps:
1. Israeli distributor identity — The specific identity and corporate structure of Kraft Heinz’s Israeli market distributor(s) is not publicly confirmed. A confirmed sole-authorised distributor with known settlement-supply activity would affect V-ECON (P) and potentially trigger V-POL provisions.
2. Israeli market revenue — Israel is subsumed within the EMEA segment with no separate disclosure. Quantification is not possible from public records. A disclosed Israeli revenue figure could move V-ECON Magnitude by up to one band.
3. Cybersecurity vendor stack — Kraft Heinz does not publicly name specific cybersecurity vendors. Relationships with Israeli-origin vendors (CyberArk, Check Point, Claroty, Palo Alto Networks) cannot be confirmed or excluded from public sources. Confirmation of multiple Israeli-origin vendor relationships would raise V-DIG into Band 3.x.
4. Trax Retail — The commercial model alignment makes Trax the highest-plausibility unconfirmed Israeli-origin technology relationship. Targeted follow-up (procurement records or vendor disclosure) is warranted.
5. 3G Capital sub-holdings — As a private firm, 3G Capital’s full portfolio of potential sub-holdings or fund exposures is not subject to comprehensive public disclosure, constituting a residual V-ECON / V-POL gap.
6. UN settlement database currency — The OHCHR database was last substantially updated in 2020; post-2020 commercial developments are not captured.
7. IDF catering procurement — Non-public IDF quartermaster records cannot be accessed from open sources; structural unknowability, but no positive evidence of a relationship.


For consumers (Tier E — Low Concern): The validated score of 94 places Kraft Heinz in Tier E, indicating no verified military, digital, or active political relationship with Israeli state or military operations. Consumer deprioritisation of Heinz products on BDS grounds is not supported by the evidence base assembled across all four domains. The existing informal boycott campaigns targeting Heinz lack documented factual grounding in defence contracting, technology provision, or settlement infrastructure activity.

For institutional investors: The V-ECON finding of a distribution-model export presence in Israel, combined with a passive political posture, does not trigger standard exclusion thresholds used by leading sovereign wealth funds (Norwegian Government Pension Fund Global, Swedish AP funds) or ESG-screened indices. No basis for a formal exclusion review has been identified. Investors seeking to confirm the absence of settlement-supply chain exposure should request confirmation of the Israeli distributor identity and any supply arrangements with settlement-located retail branches, given the post-2020 data gap in the UN settlement database.

For ESG analysts: The primary unresolved evidence gap is the undisclosed technology vendor stack. If Israeli-origin cybersecurity or OT platform vendors are deployed across Kraft Heinz’s manufacturing or enterprise environment, V-DIG would rise but remain within Tier E. Analysts with access to procurement records or vendor disclosure channels should prioritise confirming or excluding relationships with Claroty (OT manufacturing), CyberArk (PAM), and Trax Retail (CPG shelf analytics). This is the most actionable gap for improving score precision.

For NGO researchers: The Israeli distributor structure warrants a dedicated supply chain investigation to determine (a) distributor identity and exclusivity, (b) whether distributor supply reaches settlement-located retail branches, and (c) whether the distributor has received Israeli state honours or made political contributions. No such targeted investigation has been identified in available records. The current evidence base does not support a finding of settlement-supply involvement, but the gap is real.


End Notes


  1. Kraft Heinz SEC 10-K filings — https://www.sec.gov/cgi-bin/browse-edgar?action=getcompany&CIK=0001637459&type=10-K&dateb=&owner=include&count=40 

  2. 3G Capital / Kraft Heinz ownership — https://www.wsj.com/articles/3g-capital-kraft-heinz-1490737201 

  3. Microsoft–Kraft Heinz partnership announcement — https://news.microsoft.com/2021/01/12/kraft-heinz-and-microsoft-expand-strategic-partnership/ 

  4. Google Cloud Kraft Heinz customer story — https://cloud.google.com/customers/kraft-heinz 

  5. Project Nimbus — Wikipedia — https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Project_Nimbus 

  6. Kraft Heinz SEC 10-K filings (CIK 0001637459) — https://www.sec.gov/cgi-bin/browse-edgar?action=getcompany&CIK=0001637459&type=10-K&dateb=&owner=include&count=10 

  7. UN OHCHR settlement database (A/HRC/43/71) — https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/regular-sessions/session43/list-of-reports 

  8. Middle East Eye — boycott brands reporting — https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/war-gaza-which-brands-are-being-boycotted 

  9. Berkshire Hathaway 2023 Annual Report — https://www.berkshirehathaway.com/2023ar/2023ar.pdf 

  10. Kraft Heinz DEF 14A proxy statements — https://www.sec.gov/cgi-bin/browse-edgar?action=getcompany&CIK=0001637459&type=DEF+14A&dateb=&owner=include&count=10 

  11. Kraft Heinz revenue by segment — https://www.macrotrends.net/stocks/charts/KHC/kraft-heinz/revenue-by-segment 

  12. Israeli Ministry of Defence tender register — https://www.mod.gov.il/en/tenders/Pages/default.aspx 

  13. US DSCA major arms sales — https://www.dsca.mil/major-arms-sales 

  14. US DDTC / BIS export controls — https://www.bis.doc.gov/index.php/policy-guidance/country-guidance/sanctioned-destinations 

  15. UK strategic export controls guidance — https://www.gov.uk/guidance/strategic-export-controls-licensing-explained 

  16. Who Profits Research Center — food and beverage — https://whoprofits.org/company-type/food-beverage/ 

  17. AFSC Investigate database — https://investigate.afsc.org/ 

  18. BDS Movement — what to boycott — https://www.bdsmovement.net/get-involved/what-to-boycott 

  19. Microsoft Azure — Kraft Heinz customer story — https://customers.microsoft.com/en-us/story/kraft-heinz-consumer-goods-azure 

  20. Check Point Software — Wikipedia — https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Check_Point 

  21. CyberArk — Wikipedia — https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CyberArk 

  22. Wiz Inc. — Wikipedia — https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wiz_(company) 

  23. Trax Retail solutions — https://traxretail.com/solutions/ 

  24. UN Special Rapporteur on privacy annual reports — https://www.ohchr.org/en/special-procedures/sr-privacy/annual-reports 

  25. Amnesty International — generative AI and human rights — https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2023/05/generative-ai-a-human-rights-approach/ 

  26. BDS Movement — actions and campaigns — https://bdsmovement.net/act/actions-and-campaigns 

  27. Palo Alto Networks — Wikipedia — https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palo_Alto_Networks 

  28. Kraft Heinz data breach reporting — https://www.zdnet.com/article/kraft-heinz-discloses-data-breach/ 

  29. Globes (Israeli business press) — https://en.globes.co.il/ 

  30. Who Profits — Carmel Agrexco profile — https://whoprofits.org/company/carmel-agrexco/ 

  31. Oxfam — Behind the Barcodes — https://www.oxfam.org/en/research/behind-barcodes 

  32. EU settlement labelling guidelines — https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=OJ:C:2015:375:TOC 

  33. OEC Israel trade profile — https://oec.world/en/profile/country/isr 

  34. UN Comtrade — https://comtrade.un.org/ 

  35. UK Companies House — https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/ 

  36. Kraft Heinz ESG homepage — https://www.kraftheinzcompany.com/esg 

  37. Kraft Heinz human rights policy — https://www.kraftheinzcompany.com/esg/people/human-rights 

  38. OpenSecrets — Kraft Heinz lobbying — https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/kraft-heinz/lobbying?id=D000067200 

  39. OpenSecrets — Kraft Heinz summary — https://www.opensecrets.org/orgs/kraft-heinz/summary?id=D000067200 

  40. FEC — Kraft Heinz PAC — https://www.fec.gov/data/committee/C00612374/ 

  41. BDS Movement — actions and campaigns — https://bdsmovement.net/act/actions-and-campaigns 

  42. Amnesty International — arms embargo campaign — https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2023/10/israel-opt-arms-embargoes-and-sanctions/ 

  43. Human Rights Watch — business and human rights — https://www.hrw.org/topic/business-and-human-rights “`