HP - BDS-1000 Main Dossier

Key Findings

• Economic: HP Indigo’s Kiryat Gat manufacturing plant and Ness Ziona R&D headquarters remain a substantial, non-divested Israeli footprint, employing roughly 2,400–3,000 workers and cited at approximately $1 billion in annual exports.¹²
• Political/Security: Since the 2015 corporate split, Hewlett Packard Enterprise (HPE) has held recurring, renewed IT-infrastructure contracts with Israeli security bodies - the Israel Police (through December 2026), the Israel Prison Service (through February 2026), and the Population and Immigration Authority’s “Aviv System” population registry (extended through May 2028) - with several renewals occurring after the July 2024 ICJ Advisory Opinion and the November 2024 ICC arrest warrants.³⁴
• Military (historical, largely discontinued): HP/HPE’s most direct military-facing engagements - the “Basel” biometric checkpoint system and the exclusive Israel Defense Forces (IDF) PC and server contracts - were retired or lost to a competing supplier (Cisco) by 2016–2017.³⁵
• Not found: No public evidence identified of HP or HPE supplying components, subsystems, or software directly to Israeli defense primes (Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, Rafael, or Israel Military Industries), nor of Israeli-origin surveillance or weapons-related AI embedded in HP’s own product lines beyond a commercially available, general-purpose malware-detection feature.

Target Profile

Key Facts:

• HP Indigo (originally Indigo N.V.) was founded in Rehovot, Israel in 1977 by Benny Landa and acquired by HP in 2001 for approximately $829 million.²
• The Kiryat Gat ink-manufacturing plant (11,000 m²) and Ness Ziona R&D/headquarters together employ an estimated 2,400–3,000 workers, with 2024 workforce reductions of 50–100.¹²
• Hewlett-Packard Company split in November 2015 into HP Inc. and HPE; defence- and security-sector service contracts passed principally to HPE.³¹⁰
• The “Basel” biometric checkpoint system (1999–2016) and the exclusive IDF PC-supply contract (2009–c.2017) represent HP/HPE’s most direct historical military-adjacent engagements; both have ended.³⁵

Executive Summary

HP Inc. and Hewlett Packard Enterprise - the two companies formed by the November 2015 split of the original Hewlett-Packard Company - present a documented, multi-decade Israel/Palestine nexus that spans commercial manufacturing, government IT contracting, and historical security-infrastructure provision. Unlike companies whose Israel exposure consists of a single contract or a single product line, HP’s record spans four distinct vectors: an economically significant, non-occupied-territory manufacturing and R&D presence (HP Indigo); a long-running body of Israeli-government IT service contracts, several of which touch the security services directly (police, prisons, the military, and the national population registry); a set of now-largely-retired direct military and checkpoint-technology engagements; and a comparatively thin, mostly commercial digital/AI footprint.³¹⁰

The strongest documented vectors are economic and political. HP Indigo’s Ness Ziona R&D headquarters and Kiryat Gat manufacturing plant constitute a substantial, undivested and continuing Israeli operational footprint, generating on the order of $1 billion in exports and employing thousands of workers.¹² Layered onto this is a persistent record of HPE contracting with Israeli state security bodies - the Israel Police, the Israel Prison Service, and the Population and Immigration Authority’s Aviv System - with contract renewals in 2024 and 2025, after both the ICJ’s July 2024 Advisory Opinion on the unlawfulness of the occupation and the ICC’s November 2024 arrest warrants.³⁴ HPE was also reportedly selected in July 2024 to lead a new Israeli military server-farm project.³⁴ The UN Special Rapporteur’s 2025 report states that HP has “long enabled Israel’s apartheid systems, supplying technology to COGAT, the prison service and police,” and that the 2015 corporate split created “opaque business structures” obscuring the roles of seven remaining Israeli subsidiaries.¹⁰

Set against this, a substantial portion of HP’s most serious historical military-adjacent involvement is documented as discontinued, transferred away, or divested, and the audits are explicit that several allegations circulated about the company do not hold up. The Basel biometric checkpoint system - installed at more than twenty West Bank and Gaza crossings - was retired by the Israeli military at the end of 2016.³⁵ The exclusive IDF PC-supply and IDF server contracts lapsed or were lost to Cisco by 2017.³ The Beitar Illit settlement R&D centre passed out of the HP/HPE corporate lineage entirely by 2017 (to DXC Technology) and was further divested by DXC to Ness in 2022.³¹⁰ No public evidence identified of HP or HPE holding a listing in the current UN OHCHR settlement-business database (only the independent reseller Matrix IT is listed there), and Norway’s NBIM exclusion list and the 2021 KLP settlement-linked exclusion list - sometimes cited in secondary reporting as including HP - do not in fact name HP Inc. or HPE.¹¹¹² No public evidence identified of a direct supply relationship between HP/HPE and Israeli defense primes (Elbit Systems, IAI, Rafael, IMI), and no public evidence identified of HP or HPE participation in Project Nimbus or of Israeli-origin surveillance, facial-recognition or predictive-policing technology embedded in HP’s own retail or security product lines.

The resulting profile is one of moderate-to-high, evidence-grounded economic and political entanglement, combined with a materially reduced and mostly historical military and digital footprint. This is reflected in the FINAL V4 scores: Economic (7.43) and Political (4.00) are the dominant contributors, while Military (0.12) and Digital (0.26) remain low, driven by discontinued contracts and an absence of weapons- or surveillance-technology nexus. The composite Bounded Responsibility Score is 519, Tier C (High).

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

The original Hewlett-Packard Company split in November 2015 into two separately listed entities: HP Inc. (consumer/commercial printers, PCs, and HP Indigo digital printing) and Hewlett Packard Enterprise (HPE) (servers, software, data-centre infrastructure, and IT services).³¹⁰ A further separation occurred in 2017 when HPE spun off its EDS-origin IT-services business into DXC Technology.³ Contracts entered into before the 2015 split were originally held by Hewlett-Packard Company; post-split, military- and security-facing contracts passed principally to HPE, while some legacy service obligations were carried by DXC.³

HP Inc.’s Israeli subsidiaries, per a 2015 SEC Exhibit 21 filing, include HP Israel Ltd., HP Indigo Ltd., HP Scitex Ltd., HP Technology Israel Ltd., PFE Investments Ltd., HP PPS Israel Ltd., and Hewlett-Packard Industrial Printing Ltd.³ HPE’s principal Israeli subsidiary is Hewlett Packard (Israel) Ltd., headquartered in Ra’anana, which functions as the primary procurement and distribution entity for HP products in the Israeli market.³ HP Indigo’s R&D and management headquarters are in Ness Ziona, with manufacturing in Kiryat Gat; HP Scitex, an industrial-printing subsidiary, merged into the HP Indigo division in 2022/2023 but remains listed as “Active” in the Israeli corporate registry.¹⁹²⁰ Both Kiryat Gat and Ness Ziona are located within Israel’s internationally recognized boundaries, not in occupied territory.¹

Distinct from HP’s own corporate structure, Matrix IT Ltd. - an independent Israeli reseller operating an outsourcing/distribution centre in the settlement of Modi’in Illit - distributed HP computers and servers to the IDF supply chain and received HP training; Matrix IT, not HP itself, is the entity listed in the UN OHCHR settlement-business database.³ The former Beitar Illit settlement R&D centre, established by EDS in 2006, passed through HP (2008–2015), HPE (2015–2017), and DXC (2017–2022) before being divested to Ness in 2022, ending any HP/HPE-affiliated presence there.³¹⁰

The UN Special Rapporteur’s 2025 report specifically flagged the 2015 corporate split as having created “opaque business structures” that obscure the roles of seven remaining Israeli subsidiaries, complicating public accountability for which successor entity bears responsibility for any given ongoing contract.¹⁰

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

Hewlett-Packard Company was the first private contractor to administer Israeli military IT infrastructure, beginning with a 2006 pilot for the Israeli Navy - which has enforced the Gaza naval blockade since 2007 - and expanding in 2009 to the entire IDF as a “virtualization project.”³ In 2011, HP Israel won a NIS 500 million Israeli MoD server tender, at the time reported as Israel’s largest-ever server procurement, and in 2012 joined Electra Ltd. in a consortium bidding for a follow-on NIS 2 billion build-operate-transfer tender.³¹³ From 2009, HP held an exclusive contract to supply PCs to the Israeli military and security forces, financed substantially through the US Foreign Military Sales programme and renewed in 2014.³ Separately, HP/EDS built and maintained the “Basel” biometric checkpoint system (fingerprint, hand/retinal scan, and facial-data collection tied to magnetic ID cards) at more than twenty West Bank and Gaza military checkpoints from 1999 to 2016.³⁵ HP was also contracted for a 2005 “Smart City” pilot in the Ariel settlement and, via EDS, ran an R&D centre in the Beitar Illit settlement from 2006.³ In 2015, Hewlett-Packard Company was ranked 41st on the SIPRI Top 100 arms-producing and military-services companies list, with roughly $2 billion in military revenue.²¹ In July 2024, HPE was reportedly selected to lead a new Israeli military server-farm project.³⁴

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The great majority of these engagements are documented as discontinued. Cisco replaced HP/HPE as the IDF’s primary server supplier by approximately 2017, and the exclusive PC-supply contract is not documented as renewed beyond 2017.³ The Basel system was retired at the end of December 2016 on the Israeli military’s own account.³⁵ HP Inc.’s own 2021 statement clarifies that, post-2015, it “does not develop, sell or own technologies or provide any related services…pertaining to data centers or servers,” directing responsibility for hardware/server contracts to HPE.¹⁶ The Beitar Illit R&D centre left the HP/HPE corporate family entirely by 2017 and was further divested (by DXC) to Ness in 2022 - a fully discontinued, divested operation under the audits’ temporal-mitigation rule.³ The Ariel “Smart City” contract’s status after 2015 is unconfirmed in public records, with no evidence of transfer to HPE or of continuation.³ No public evidence identified that the 2012 HP–Electra consortium was awarded the NIS 2 billion BOT tender. No public evidence identified of any direct supply relationship between HP/HPE and Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, Rafael, or Israel Military Industries. HP Inc. is no longer listed in the SIPRI Top 100 following the 2015 split, as defence-relevant units transferred to HPE.²¹ The 2024 HPE military server-farm selection lacks a publicly accessible contract value, tender number, or government procurement record.³⁴

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Israeli Navy (2006 IT pilot); IDF/Israeli MoD (2011 server tender; 2009 PC-supply contract); Electra Ltd. (2012 consortium partner, award unconfirmed); Cisco (successor IDF server supplier, 2017); Ariel Municipality (2005 Smart City); Beitar Illit Municipality (2006–2017 R&D centre, settlement); Matrix IT/Tact Testware (Modi’in Illit-based reseller); HPE (2024 military server-farm selection).^3542113

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

HP Inc. partnered with Tel Aviv-headquartered Deep Instinct from May 2019, embedding its deep-learning malware-prevention engine directly into HP Sure Sense, pre-installed on HP EliteBook and ZBook business laptops.¹⁵ HPE’s Aruba Networks subsidiary acquired Axis Security, a Tel Aviv/San Mateo Israeli cloud Security Service Edge startup, on 2 March 2023, folding its technology into Aruba’s SASE networking platform.¹⁷ HP’s Anyware Manager Enterprise product documentation lists “Israel Central” as a supported data-residency region for commercial virtual-desktop customers.³ HPE’s long-running Itanium-server supply to the Aviv population registry, and its reported July 2024 selection to lead a new military server-farm project, constitute documented data-residency and infrastructure provision to Israeli state and defense bodies.³⁴ HP/EDS’s historically supplied Basel biometric system is also HP’s most significant historical digital-surveillance product, documented above under Military.³⁵

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence identified of a direct HP Inc. or HPE licensing, subscription, or integration relationship with CyberArk, Wiz, SentinelOne, Check Point, NSO Group, Verint, Claroty, or Palo Alto Networks. No public evidence identified of Israeli-origin facial-recognition, biometric, or behavioral-analytics technology (e.g., Trigo, BriefCam, AnyVision/Oosto, Trax) incorporated into HP’s own retail or security product lines. No public evidence identified of HP or HPE participation in Project Nimbus. No public evidence identified of HP or HPE developing, selling, or maintaining offensive cyber tools, zero-day exploits, or digital weapons for any actor. No public evidence identified confirming whether the Deep Instinct integration remains active on current HP laptop lines as of 2024–2026. The precise date of the 2024 military server-farm announcement relative to the ICJ’s 19 July 2024 Advisory Opinion could not be independently pinned down. No public evidence identified of HP or HPE AI models being trained on, or given access to, surveillance-derived civilian population data - HP/HPE’s role in population-registry systems is documented as an infrastructure/storage provider, not an AI trainer on that data. HP Tech Ventures’ disclosed Israeli-linked portfolio (including Copprint) is commercial/industrial in focus, with no public evidence identified of surveillance- or defense-sector investments.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Deep Instinct (Tel Aviv, malware-detection AI vendor); Axis Security (acquired by Aruba/HPE, March 2023); Aruba Networks (HPE subsidiary); HP Anyware (data-residency product); HPE Itanium/Aviv System infrastructure; HP Labs Israel (Technion, Haifa); HP Tech Ventures (Tel Aviv presence).¹⁵¹⁷³

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

HP Indigo, founded in Rehovot in 1977 and acquired by HP in 2001 for approximately $829 million, maintains R&D headquarters in Ness Ziona and an 11,000 m² ink-manufacturing plant in Kiryat Gat, employing an estimated 2,400–3,000 workers and cited as generating roughly $1 billion in exports.¹² HP Scitex, an industrial-printing subsidiary, merged into the Indigo division in 2022/2023 and remains a registered active Israeli entity.¹⁹²⁰ Hewlett Packard (Israel) Ltd., headquartered in Ra’anana, is the primary procurement/distribution entity for HP products in Israel.³ HPE holds recurring, renewed Israeli government service contracts: Data Centre Care for the Israel Police (NIS 4 million, January 2024–December 2026); server maintenance for the Israel Prison Service (NIS 445,000, March 2025–February 2026); sole-supplier Itanium servers for the Aviv System population registry (NIS 3,829,410, extended through May 2028); and computing infrastructure for a biometric identification system for the Israel National Digital Agency (NIS 3,129,750, May 2025–May 2028).³ HPE was also reportedly selected in July 2024 to lead a new military server-farm project and, per a February 2025 Israeli press report, to operate an Israeli AI supercomputer facility for defense applications.³⁴

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Kiryat Gat and Ness Ziona are located within Israel’s internationally recognized boundaries, not the occupied territories, distinguishing HP Indigo’s manufacturing footprint from a settlement-based operation. HP Inc. (NYSE: HPQ) and HPE (NYSE: HPE) are both publicly traded US corporations with no Israeli sovereign or controlling owner; largest institutional holders are Vanguard, BlackRock, and State Street.³ Norway’s NBIM exclusion list does not include HP Inc. or HPE.¹¹ KLP’s July 2021 exclusion of 16 companies over Israeli-settlement links did not include HP - directly contradicting a secondary-source claim that it did.¹² The Irish Strategic Investment Fund’s 2024 divestment from certain Israeli banks did not include HP.²² No public evidence identified of golden shares, founder shares, or charter provisions tying HP to Israeli state policy objectives, and no public evidence identified of board members with explicit defense-industry, IDF, or Israeli-military affiliations.⁶⁷ HP does not break out Israel as a separate reporting segment (it is included within EMEA), and no public evidence identified of specific Israel revenue figures in HP Inc. or HPE 10-K filings.²²³ Profits from Israeli operations flow to the US parent companies; no evidence of reverse capital flow into Israel has been identified. No public evidence identified of HP Inc. or HPE issuing any public statement specifically addressing the July 2024 ICJ Advisory Opinion or the November 2024 ICC arrest warrants; operations were confirmed continuing without acknowledgment either way.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

HP Indigo (Ness Ziona/Kiryat Gat); HP Scitex Ltd.; Hewlett Packard (Israel) Ltd. (Ra’anana); Vanguard/BlackRock/State Street (institutional holders); Norges Bank/NBIM; KLP; Irish Strategic Investment Fund; Israel Police; Israel Prison Service; Population and Immigration Authority (Aviv System); Israel National Digital Agency.^3112221142

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

Following the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack, HP Inc. CEO Enrique Lores posted a statement on X (14 October 2023) describing “the horrific attacks on Israel” as “painful and difficult to watch,” without naming Gaza, Hamas, or Palestinian civilians; HPE CEO Antonio Neri issued a parallel statement over the weekend of 7–8 October 2023 condemning the attacks on Israeli civilians as “unjustified and inexcusable.”⁸⁹ This sits in contrast to HP’s explicit, named 2022 response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine - suspending sanctioned shipments, winding down a Russian subsidiary that had generated roughly $1 billion in prior sales, and making direct humanitarian grants and product donations to Ukraine - for which no equivalent Israel/Palestine-specific programme has been identified.²⁴ HP/HPE’s operational history includes the Basel checkpoint system, the Beitar Illit and Ariel settlement-linked engagements, and the Matrix IT/Modi’in Illit reseller relationship (detailed above), alongside recurring Israel Navy, Police, Prison Service, and Ministry of Interior biometric-ID contracts.³ The UN Special Rapporteur framework has repeatedly named HP: Richard Falk in October 2012 named Hewlett-Packard among companies whose settlement-linked activities warranted boycott consideration, and Francesca Albanese’s 2025 report states HP “has long enabled Israel’s apartheid systems, supplying technology to COGAT, the prison service and police.”²⁵¹⁰ HPE was also named as a defendant in the Al-Tamimi et al. v. Adelson et al. litigation (filed 9 March 2016, US District Court for the District of Columbia), alleging funding of “violent settlement activities.”²⁶ A substantial civil-society and institutional divestment/boycott record cites HP, including actions by Unite the Union, FNV, the Students Federation of India, Dublin City Council, the University of Michigan, SEB, the Presbyterian Church (USA), Friends Fiduciary, and non-binding student-government resolutions at UC Berkeley, UC Irvine, and UCLA.²⁷

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

HP’s only substantive policy statements - HP Inc.’s 25 May 2021 newsroom post and HPE’s 24 September 2018 statement - explicitly frame the company as neutral, calling circulating BDS claims “unfortunate and untrue” and stating the company “does not take sides in political disputes between countries or regions.”¹⁶¹⁴ HP Inc.’s statement further clarifies that, post-2015, it “does not develop, sell or own technologies or provide any related services…pertaining to data centers or servers” - disclaiming responsibility for the most serious ongoing government contracts and attributing them to HPE.¹⁶ No public evidence identified confirming HP Inc. or HPE as a listed entity in the current UN OHCHR settlement-business database; only the independent reseller Matrix IT appears there, and this could not be fully verified due to database access/parsing limitations.³ No public evidence identified of an OECD National Contact Point complaint or a UK, EU, or US regulatory/parliamentary inquiry specifically targeting HP/HPE’s Israel-Palestine operations. No public evidence identified of any HP-specific case of an employee disciplined for pro-Palestinian speech, and no public evidence identified of algorithmic content-moderation or platform-related controversies, HP/HPE being hardware and IT-services companies rather than content platforms. The BDS Movement’s 12 December 2023 claim that HP Indigo supplies the offices of Netanyahu and Smotrich was not independently corroborated by a second primary source and should be read as unverified.¹⁸ The Al-Tamimi v. Adelson litigation reflects allegations in a filed complaint, not an adjudicated finding of liability.²⁶

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Enrique Lores (HP Inc. CEO); Antonio Neri (HPE CEO); Richard Falk (former UN Special Rapporteur, 2012); Francesca Albanese (UN Special Rapporteur, 2025 report A/HRC/59/23); Al-Tamimi et al. v. Adelson et al. litigation; BDS Movement; Business & Human Rights Resource Centre; Unite the Union; FNV; Students Federation of India; Dublin City Council; University of Michigan; SEB; Presbyterian Church (USA); Friends Fiduciary; UC Berkeley/Irvine/UCLA; Matrix IT.^{1026892414251827}

BDS-1000 Score (V4)

• V_MAX: 7.43 Sum_OTHERS: 4.38
• BRS Score: 519 Tier: C (High)

V_MAX is driven entirely by Economic: HP Indigo’s undivested, high-impact Israeli manufacturing and R&D footprint, combined with HPE’s recurring, directly-held Israeli government security-sector contracts, produces the highest Impact, Magnitude, and Proximity scores of the four domains. Political contributes the largest secondary weight (Sum_OTHERS), reflecting sustained operational presence and UN Special Rapporteur naming alongside a documented, largely unaddressed asymmetry in public communications relative to HP’s Russia/Ukraine response. Military and Digital remain minimal because the most serious historical military and checkpoint-technology engagements were retired, lost to competitors, or divested well before the current period, and no digital/AI weapons or surveillance-vendor nexus was identified. The scoring method is evidence-only, scale-free (Impact × Magnitude/Proximity per domain), and reflects a human-vetted final pass in which unverified or unresolved claims were carried with caveats rather than hardened.

Methodology Note

• Every claim in this dossier traces to one of the four domain audits (Military, Digital, Economic, Political); where those audits found nothing, this dossier states “No public evidence identified” rather than inferring involvement.
• Scoring is scale-free: Impact (I) reflects the type of activity involved, Magnitude (M) reflects its scale, and Proximity (P) reflects how directly the company is implicated - multiplied per domain to produce the V-Domain Score.
• A temporal-mitigation rule applies: contracts and facilities documented as divested, retired, or lost to competitors (e.g., the Basel system, the Beitar Illit R&D centre, the pre-2017 IDF server/PC contracts) are treated as historical and do not inflate current-period scores.
• Entity attribution follows a no-transitive-guilt standard: allegations against Matrix IT (an independent reseller) or DXC/Ness (post-divestment successors) are not attributed to HP Inc. or HPE once corporate separation is documented.
• Settlement-linked or dual-purpose operations, where documented, are scored across both Economic and Political rather than counted once, reflecting their simultaneous commercial and political dimensions.
• Claims marked unverified, unresolved, or uncorroborated in the source audits (e.g., the December 2023 Netanyahu/Smotrich supply claim, the 2012 BOT tender outcome) are carried in this dossier with the same caveats rather than presented as established fact.

End Notes