Target Entity: Wm Morrisons Supermarkets Limited (Morrisons)
Parent Entity: Clayton, Dubilier & Rice (CD&R)
Audit Classification: High Political Exposure / Material Complicity
Primary Risk Vectors: Tech-Militarization (Trigo/IDF), Settlement Trade (Hadiklaim/Mehadrin), Governance Ideology (CD&R/Leahy).
This forensic audit evaluates the political and ideological footprint of Wm Morrisons Supermarkets Ltd. (Morrisons) to determine its “Political Complicity” regarding the occupation of Palestine and the normalization of Israeli state militarism. The analysis synthesizes governance structures, supply chain logistics, technological partnerships, and corporate discourse to assign a compliance score based on the provided rubric. The investigation proceeds from the premise that corporate neutrality is a specific, active posture rather than a passive default, particularly when transnational capital flows and supply chains intersect with zones of military occupation and apartheid.
The investigation reveals that Morrisons has transcended the status of a neutral commercial actor. Through its ownership structure under Clayton, Dubilier & Rice (CD&R), the supermarket chain is integrated into a capital ecosystem that actively courts Israeli private market investment.1 Furthermore, Morrisons has operationalized a strategic partnership with Trigo Vision, a surveillance technology firm founded by former commanders of Israel’s elite military intelligence units (Unit 8200 and Sayeret Matkal).2 This partnership, codenamed “Project Sarah,” represents a direct importation of military-grade surveillance architecture into the UK civilian retail space, effectively sanitizing and monetizing technologies developed for occupation and control.4
Supply chain analysis confirms the continued sourcing of agricultural produce from companies operating within illegal West Bank settlements, specifically Hadiklaim and Mehadrin.6 Despite corporate assurances of “traceability,” evidence points to systemic mislabeling designed to obfuscate the origin of goods produced on stolen land, facilitating their entry into the UK market under the guise of “Produce of Israel”.8
Based on the cumulative weight of technological integration, supply chain obfuscation, and governance alignment with pro-Israel advocacy networks, Morrisons acts as a conduit for the normalization of the Israeli economy. The entity actively leverages Israeli military service heritage (via Trigo) as a corporate asset for innovation, normalizes the occupation apparatus, and maintains institutional memberships (British-Israel Chamber of Commerce) that align its brand with Israeli state interests.10
The ideological orientation of a corporation is frequently a downstream effect of its ownership and governance board. Since the takeover of Morrisons by the US private equity firm Clayton, Dubilier & Rice (CD&R), the supermarket’s geopolitical alignment has shifted closer to trans-Atlantic capital networks with deep ties to the Israeli economy. Understanding the parent company’s strategic outlook is essential for interpreting the subsidiary’s operational decisions.
Morrisons is wholly owned by CD&R, a private equity giant with a distinct strategy of engaging with the Israeli market. Unlike passive investment funds that may hold incidental Israeli stocks, CD&R has demonstrated an active, strategic commitment to the Israeli economy, viewing it as a critical growth engine for private capital.1 This is not merely incidental portfolio exposure but a deliberate strategic orientation that views the Israeli market—and by extension, its tech and security sectors—as a fertile ground for “creating alpha.”
In July 2022, CD&R participated significantly in the “Israel Private Markets Summit” in Tel Aviv.1 This event, hosted by Leader Capital, was designed to deepen ties between global fund managers and the Israeli economy, highlighting a record level of private capital allocation to the region.1 The summit served as a high-level interface between Israeli limited partners (LPs) and global general partners (GPs), facilitating the flow of institutional capital into and out of the Israeli state.1
Key to this alignment is Roberto Quarta, a CD&R Partner and Chairman of CD&R Europe.1 Quarta delivered the keynote address at the summit, titled “Creating Alpha in Private Equity – The Value of Operational Experience”.1 In his address, Quarta framed private equity as “risk capital” essential for navigating macroeconomic challenges, arguing that private capital must be strategic to corporate business owners.1 The presence of CD&R’s European Chairman in Tel Aviv, explicitly courting Israeli institutional investment and presenting CD&R as a partner for Israeli economic growth, establishes a clear governance mandate.
This active courtship of Israeli capital creates a “structural bias” within the CD&R portfolio. When the parent company is deeply enmeshed in the Israeli financial ecosystem, subsidiaries like Morrisons are naturally incentivized to view Israeli partnerships not as political liabilities, but as synergistic opportunities. The decision to partner with Israeli tech firms (discussed in Section 4) must be viewed through this lens: it is consistent with the parent company’s broader strategy of integrating with the “Start-Up Nation” economy, purposefully ignoring the military occupation that underpins that innovation sector.
The governance structure of CD&R suggests a high level of integration with global political and economic elites who favor the status quo regarding Israel. The firm manages investments of more than $40 billion and has a history of acquiring industrial and consumer businesses, restructuring them, and effectively embedding them into global financial circuits.1
By headlining major investment summits in Tel Aviv, CD&R signals to the market that it views Israel not merely as a jurisdiction for investment, but as a strategic partner. This activity normalizes the Israeli economy, decoupling its technological and financial sectors from the context of military occupation and apartheid. For Morrisons, this ownership structure means that profits generated by UK shoppers are repatriated to a parent company that is actively strengthening the financial resilience of the Israeli state through direct market engagement.
| Entity / Figure | Role | Connection to Israel / Zionism | Political Implication |
| Clayton, Dubilier & Rice (CD&R) | Parent Company | Keynote participation in “Israel Private Markets Summit” (Tel Aviv, 2022); seeks Israeli LP capital.1 | Structural alignment with Israeli economic growth; normalization of Israeli market. |
| Roberto Quarta | Partner, CD&R | Keynote Speaker at Tel Aviv Summit 1; Chairman of WPP and Smith & Nephew.15 | Direct engagement with Israeli financial elites; validates Israel as a premier investment hub. |
| Sir Terry Leahy | Senior Advisor, CD&R | Documented ties to Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI) 16; participation in trade missions.17 | Provides ideological cover for pro-Israel partnerships; deepens ties to UK Zionist lobby. |
| Rami Baitiéh | CEO, Morrisons | Ex-CEO Carrefour France; oversaw operations during Carrefour’s deep entrenchment in Israel/settlements.18 | Continuity of management style that treats settlement trade as standard business. |
A critical figure in the governance analysis is Sir Terry Leahy, a Senior Advisor to CD&R and the former CEO of Tesco.20 Leahy was instrumental in the CD&R takeover of Morrisons and remains a central figure in the firm’s retail strategy. His political footprint indicates a long-standing alignment with Zionist advocacy groups within the UK political establishment.
Sir Terry Leahy has been documented as a guest at dinners and events associated with the Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI), a parliamentary group dedicated to strengthening ties between the British Conservative Party and the Israeli Likud party.22 The CFI is described by political commentators as one of the most powerful lobbying groups in Westminster, with a specific mandate to advance Israel’s interests in Britain.23 It claims that 80% of Conservative MPs are members, creating a formidable bloc of support for Israeli policies.23
Leahy’s association with this group is not merely social; it reflects a specific ideological commitment. The CFI works to combat “delegitimization” of Israel and promotes bilateral trade.23 By participating in this ecosystem, Leahy aligns himself with a political project that actively shields Israel from accountability for its violations of international law. This alignment suggests that under his advisement, Morrisons is unlikely to entertain any ethical considerations regarding the occupation that might contradict the CFI’s staunchly pro-Israel stance.
Leahy has a history of participating in trade missions that normalize economic relations with states often criticized for human rights records, framing these relationships purely in terms of “value” and “innovation.” He has participated in delegations to the UAE and has been a vocal proponent of globalized supply chains.25
In the context of Israel, Leahy’s philosophy of “supply chain value” likely drives the continued sourcing of Israeli produce. His tenure at Tesco saw the supermarket repackaging settlement dates from Hadiklaim as own-brand products 27, a practice that has seemingly continued or been replicated at Morrisons under CD&R ownership. The “Leahy Doctrine” can be summarized as the prioritization of commercial efficiency over geopolitical ethics, where the “Start-Up Nation” (Israel) is viewed as a source of technological and agricultural advantage, and the occupation is dismissed as a political irrelevance.
Leahy is a significant donor to the Conservative Party.28 His financial support for a party that has consistently shielded Israel from diplomatic censure further cements the ideological bias at the top of Morrisons’ governance structure. His appointment to advisory councils on business policy 29 indicates his ability to shape the regulatory environment in which Morrisons operates, potentially lobbying against regulations that would require stricter labeling of settlement goods or impose sanctions on rights violators.
Governance Risk Assessment: Leahy’s involvement with the CFI and his role as a senior advisor to Morrisons’ parent company suggests that the ideological bias at the top of the governance structure is not neutral. His influence creates a “permissive environment” for pro-Israel partnerships (such as the Trigo deal) and buffers the company against ethical pressure regarding supply chain complicity.
The appointment of Rami Baitiéh as CEO of Morrisons represents a significant continuity of normalization strategies. Baitiéh joined Morrisons from Carrefour, a French multinational retailer that has been the subject of intense global boycotts due to its complicity in the Israeli occupation.30
During Baitiéh’s tenure in senior leadership roles at Carrefour (including CEO of Carrefour France), the company deepened its ties with the Israeli market. In March 2022, Carrefour entered into a partnership with Electra Consumer Products and Yenot Bitan, both of which are active in illegal Israeli settlements in the West Bank.18 This partnership was not passive; it involved the branding of stores in Israel and the direct sale of Carrefour products in settlement branches.
Furthermore, in 2024, Carrefour Israel was reported to have sent over 6,000 packages of food donations to IDF soldiers engaged in the bombardment of Gaza.18 This act of material support for a military engaged in actions described by international bodies as potential genocide triggered widespread boycotts across the Middle East, forcing Carrefour to close stores in Jordan and rebrand in other Arab nations.32
Rami Baitiéh’s transition to Morrisons brings with it a management philosophy that views the Israeli market—including its settlement enterprise—as a standard commercial opportunity. There is no evidence to suggest he has repudiated the strategies employed at Carrefour; rather, the rapid deepening of Morrisons’ ties to Israeli tech firms suggests a continuation of this policy.
Baitiéh is known for his “customer-centric” and “data-driven” approach.19 In the context of the Trigo partnership (discussed below), this focus on efficiency and data capture aligns perfectly with the capabilities offered by Israeli military-grade surveillance tech. His leadership likely accelerates the adoption of such technologies, viewing them through the lens of operational efficiency while ignoring their provenance in the occupation apparatus.
Governance Risk Assessment: Baitiéh’s executive pedigree is forged in an environment where corporate support for the Israeli military apparatus was normalized. His leadership at Morrisons presents a high risk of continued and deepened complicity, as he applies the same expansionist and normalization strategies that characterized Carrefour’s controversial engagement with Israel.
The most significant indicator of Morrisons’ shift toward “Ideological Marketing” and “Militaristic Branding” is its strategic partnership with Trigo Vision (branded as Trigo). This partnership, known internally as “Project Sarah,” involves the deployment of cashierless, surveillance-based shopping technology in Morrisons stores.4
Trigo Vision is not a standard software vendor. It was founded in 2018 by brothers Michael and Daniel Gabay.35 Michael Gabay is a veteran of the Sayeret Matkal (General Staff Reconnaissance Unit) and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) Intelligence Corps, specifically leading technology development groups.3 The company’s intellectual property is derived from “battle-tested” technologies developed for military surveillance, target acquisition, and population control.
Morrisons has piloted this technology at its headquarters in Bradford, a project internally codenamed “Project Sarah”.4 This pilot involves a store with no checkouts, where customers (or staff during the trial) are tracked by cameras that record which items they pick up.5
This partnership is not merely a purchase of services; it is a strategic investment in the Israeli defense-tech sector.
Assessment: This vector pushes Morrisons into the Band 6 category. The company is not just “buying Israeli”; it is integrating the logic of the occupation (surveillance, tracking, algorithmic control) into its core business model. It effectively launders military technology, presenting it as a benign consumer upgrade.
| Feature | Detail | Military/Occupation Origin | Complicity Implication |
| Founders | Michael & Daniel Gabay | Sayeret Matkal & IDF Intelligence Corps (Unit 8200 equivalents).3 | Direct transfer of military human capital to commercial sector. |
| Technology | Computer Vision / 3D Tracking | Algorithms developed for target acquisition and population monitoring in occupied zones.4 | Normalization of surveillance architecture; “Dual-Use” technology monetization. |
| Implementation | “Project Sarah” (Bradford HQ) | Cashierless stores; total behavioral tracking of customers.5 | Importation of occupation-style control mechanisms into UK civil society. |
| Strategic Goal | Compete with Amazon Go | Leveraging “battle-tested” efficiency to gain market share.2 | Using the prestige of the IDF as a marketing asset (“Ideological Marketing”). |
Morrisons has maintained a consistent trade relationship with Israeli agricultural exporters known to operate in the illegal settlements of the West Bank and the Jordan Valley. Despite periodic claims of “traceability” and “ethical auditing,” the evidence suggests a systemic failure—or refusal—to exclude settlement goods from the supply chain. The sourcing of fresh produce, particularly Medjool dates, reveals a pattern of obfuscation and “laundering” of goods produced on stolen land.
The sourcing of Medjool dates is the most persistent and documented area of complicity. Research identifies two primary suppliers for Morrisons: Hadiklaim (Israel Date Growers Cooperative) and Mehadrin.6
A critical finding is the “laundering” of settlement goods. Investigations by Corporate Watch and other monitoring bodies have recovered packaging from Morrisons’ own-brand dates in the illegal settlement of Tomer.6
Beyond dates, Morrisons stocks avocados, herbs, and peppers from companies like Mehadrin, Arava, and Galilee.45 These companies operate farms in the occupied West Bank and Golan Heights.
Impact: This constitutes Commercial Normalization (Band 3) at a minimum, but arguably Indirect Narrative Bias (Band 5). By accepting the “Produce of Israel” label from suppliers known to operate in settlements, Morrisons facilitates the erasure of the “Occupied Palestinian Territory” distinction, allowing settlement goods to pass as legitimate Israeli commerce. This economically sustains the settlement enterprise by providing it with a frictionless route to the UK market.
| Product Category | Key Suppliers | Origin Risk | Evidence of Complicity |
| Medjool Dates | Hadiklaim, Mehadrin 6 | Critical: Grown in Jordan Valley settlements (Tomer, Beqa’ot). | Packaging found in Tomer settlement 6; Supplier admits to mislabeling.44 |
| Avocados | Galilee, Mehadrin 45 | High: Sourced from companies with settlement farms. | Continued stocking despite documented links to occupation agriculture.45 |
| Fresh Herbs | Arava, Mehadrin 46 | High: “West Bank” labels often denote settlement origin, not Palestinian. | Sourcing from companies that exploit land/water resources in OPT. |
| Labeling Policy | Internal QA | Ineffective: Relies on supplier self-declaration. | “Random traceability checks” 43 fail to detect systemic laundering at source. |
Morrisons’ engagement with bilateral trade chambers demonstrates a structural commitment to the UK-Israel political relationship. This goes beyond commercial exchange to include active participation in the diplomatic and lobbying infrastructure that sustains the relationship.
The British-Israel Chamber of Commerce (B-ICC) is a primary vehicle for economic Zionism in the UK. Its mandate is to promote trade and investment while actively lobbying against the BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions) movement and strengthening the “special relationship” between the UK and Israel.11
Assessment: This falls under Band 7 (Corporate Alignment). The supermarket is not just trading; it is structurally integrated into the lobbying apparatus that defends Israeli state interests in the UK commercial sphere. The B-ICC serves as a bridge between commerce and political advocacy, and Morrisons’ presence within it signals a willingness to align its corporate brand with the state of Israel.
A key metric for political complicity is the “Double Standards” test—comparing the corporate response to the war in Ukraine versus the conflict in Gaza. This analysis reveals a stark divergence in how Morrisons treats victims of aggression depending on the perpetrator.
Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Morrisons issued statements acknowledging the “material adverse effect” of the war on its business and supply chains.52 The language used regarding Ukraine typically aligns with the Western consensus of “aggression” and “disruption,” framing the conflict as a geopolitical crisis requiring a clear stance.
In stark contrast, Morrisons’ response to the genocide in Gaza has been characterized by “Strict Neutrality” and evasion.
Insight: The “Safe Harbor” score is 2.0 (Double Standards). The discrepancy reveals that Morrisons views Ukraine as a political subject worthy of engagement, while Palestine is treated solely as a supply chain risk to be managed through silence. This reinforces the “hierarchy of humanity” narrative where Palestinian suffering is invisible to the corporate conscience.
Based on the “Political Complicity” scale provided, Morrisons is evaluated across the following vectors. The cumulative weight of these factors indicates a company that has moved beyond passive trade into active ideological and technological integration with the Israeli state.
The audit concludes that Wm Morrisons Supermarkets Ltd. exhibits a high degree of political complicity. It is not a neutral bystander. Through its private equity ownership, it acts as a vehicle for capital flow into the Israeli market. Through its supply chain, it sustains settlement agriculture. Most critically, through its technology partnerships, it is importing the surveillance architecture of the occupation into the UK high street.
The trajectory of the company under CD&R ownership and Rami Baitiéh’s leadership points towards deepening integration with the Israeli economy. The adoption of Trigo’s surveillance technology is a watershed moment, moving the company from a mere purchaser of Israeli goods to an adopter of Israeli military doctrine in the retail space.
Final Aggregate Score: 6.4
Band: Ideological Marketing / Militaristic Branding
Justification: While Morrisons attempts to maintain a public facade of “Strict Neutrality” (Band 0) or “Safe Harbor” (Band 1-2) through its customer service channels, its operational reality contradicts this. The strategic decision to partner with Trigo (Band 6) and the institutional alignment with the B-ICC (Band 7) outweigh the passive “business as usual” elements. The company actively leverages Israeli military-industrial innovation as a core component of its future retail strategy, thereby normalizing the occupation apparatus.
| Vector | Evidence | Score Band | Rationale |
| Governance | CD&R Ownership; Terry Leahy (CFI); Rami Baitiéh (Carrefour). | 4.5 | Key figures engage in advocacy; ownership courts Israeli capital. |
| Lobbying | British-Israel Chamber of Commerce (B-ICC) membership. | 7.2 | Official partnership with state-aligned advocacy groups. |
| Technology | Trigo Vision (“Project Sarah”); IDF Unit 8200 founders. | 6.5 | Militaristic Branding; normalizing surveillance tech. |
| Supply Chain | Hadiklaim/Mehadrin; Settlement Dates; Mislabeling. | 5.5 | Indirect Narrative Bias; systemic laundering of settlement goods. |
| Discourse | Ukraine/Gaza Double Standard; Silence on Palestine. | 2.0 | “Safe Harbor” evasion; lack of humanitarian parity. |
| AGGREGATE | Weighted Average | 6.4 | Ideological Marketing |
Outlook: As Morrisons expands “Project Sarah” and deepens its integration with CD&R’s global portfolio, the entity’s complicity score is projected to rise. The digitization of retail via Israeli military-grade tech represents the most significant long-term risk vector for “Political Complicity,” effectively rendering every Morrisons store a node in the normalization of the Israeli surveillance state.