PepsiCo Military Audit

1. Executive Forensic Overview

1.1 Objective and Scope

This forensic audit was commissioned to evaluate the material and ideological complicity of PepsiCo in the sustainment of the Israeli military apparatus and the occupation of Palestinian territories. The objective is to determine whether PepsiCo’s operations transcend “Incidental Association” (Band 1.0–2.0) and constitute “Logistical Sustainment” (Band 3.1–3.9) or “Militarized Infrastructure Construction” (Band 5.1–6.0) according to the designated complicity scale. The analysis specifically targets the mechanisms of direct defense contracting, dual-use supply, and supply chain integration.

The investigation focuses on PepsiCo’s tripartite operational structure in the region: its direct ownership of SodaStream International Ltd., its joint venture partnership with Strauss Group (via Sabra Dipping Company), and its franchise distribution agreement with Tempo Beverages Ltd. This report synthesizes financial data, military tender records, corporate social responsibility (CSR) disclosures, and geopolitical land-use analysis to provide a rigorous, evidence-based assessment.

1.2 Strategic Assessment Summary

The forensic analysis indicates that while PepsiCo Global maintains a posture of political neutrality and holds no direct contracts for lethal kinetic platforms with the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD), its operational footprint is deeply embedded in the logistical and infrastructural sustainment of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF).

The complicity is structural rather than tactical. PepsiCo does not manufacture munitions ¹, but its subsidiaries and partners function as critical nodes in the IDF’s “soft logistics” network. The audit identifies three primary vectors of high-complicity material support:

1. Militarized Infrastructure (The Negev Vector): Through the direct acquisition of SodaStream, PepsiCo has become a primary beneficiary of the Israeli state’s demographic engineering in the Negev. The SodaStream facility in the Idan HaNegev Industrial Park sits on land historically classified as a “military zone” and serves as an economic anchor for the state’s Prawer Plan-style urbanization of the Bedouin population. This constitutes “Militarized Infrastructure Construction” (Band 5.1–6.0).²
2. Logistical Sustainment (The Shekem Vector): PepsiCo’s exclusive distributor, Tempo Beverages, is a recognized supplier to the IDF’s “Shekem” (canteen) system. This integrates PepsiCo’s supply chain directly into the institutional sustainment of military bases, providing essential caloric and morale support to active-duty personnel. This activity aligns with “Logistical Sustainment” (Band 3.1–3.9).⁵
3. Ideological and Financial Integration (The Golani Vector): The Sabra Dipping Company joint venture generates revenue that is partially funneled to the Strauss Group, a corporate entity with a documented, formal history of financing “care packages” and welfare support for the Golani Brigade—an elite infantry unit operating in Gaza and Lebanon. This represents a material financial link between global consumer sales and specific combat units.⁷

1.3 Forensic Verdict Structure

The report avoids assigning a single static score, instead mapping PepsiCo’s activities across the user’s complicity spectrum. The evidence suggests that PepsiCo has migrated from a passive market participant to an active logistical partner through its 2018 acquisition of SodaStream and its enduring partnership with Strauss. The company’s operations provide the “civilian parallel” infrastructure that allows the military state to function efficiently, offloading the costs of soldier welfare and land management to private enterprise.

2. Corporate Architecture and Liability Flow

To determine the depth of complicity, it is essential to dismantle the corporate veil separating PepsiCo Global from its operational arms in Israel. The company operates through a hybrid model of direct ownership, joint ventures, and licensing, each carrying different levels of legal and ethical liability for the parent entity.

2.1 Direct Ownership: SodaStream International Ltd.

In August 2018, PepsiCo acquired SodaStream for $3.2 billion, delisting it from the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange and converting it into a wholly-owned subsidiary.⁹ This transaction fundamentally altered PepsiCo’s liability profile. Unlike a franchise arrangement, where the parent company extracts royalties but exerts limited operational control, direct ownership transfers full responsibility for physical assets, land leases, and employment practices to PepsiCo.

• Liability Implication: PepsiCo is now the direct lessee of the facility in the Idan HaNegev Industrial Park. Any land use violations, discriminatory displacement effects, or labor exploitation associated with this site are directly attributable to PepsiCo’s balance sheet and corporate governance structure. The company cannot claim “distance” from these operations; they are internal assets.³

2.2 Joint Venture: Sabra Dipping Company

Sabra Dipping Company is a 50/50 joint venture between PepsiCo and the Strauss Group.¹¹ The Strauss Group is Israel’s second-largest food and beverage manufacturer. This partnership is a critical vector for complicity because it creates a direct financial conduit.

• Revenue Flow: Profits generated by Sabra in the North American market are split equally. The Strauss Group’s share of these profits contributes to its consolidated revenue, which funds its corporate initiatives—including its donations to the IDF.⁸
• Operational Entanglement: While PepsiCo manages the brand in the US, the “authenticity” and R&D of the product are derived from Strauss’s Israeli operations. This creates a reputational and material dependency on a company that openly identifies with the Israeli military apparatus.⁷

2.3 Franchise Licensee: Tempo Beverages Ltd.

Tempo Beverages Ltd. serves as the exclusive bottler and distributor for PepsiCo products in Israel and the Palestinian Authority.¹³ Tempo is a publicly traded Israeli company, partially owned by Heineken International B.V. (40%) and Tempo Holdings (60%).¹⁴

• The Distribution Nexus: PepsiCo provides the syrup concentrate, branding, and marketing guidelines, while Tempo manages the physical logistics, bottling, and sales channels.
• Complicity via Proxy: Tempo is the entity that physically interfaces with the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD) via the Shekem system.⁵ While PepsiCo does not sign these contracts globally, its localized market dominance is enforced through Tempo’s military contracts. Furthermore, Tempo’s distribution network exploits the “captive market” of the West Bank, a mechanism facilitated by military occupation and the Paris Protocol.¹³

3. Vector I: Direct Defense Contracting and Institutional Supply

The first core intelligence requirement necessitates a search for direct contracts with the IMOD. The audit confirms that while PepsiCo produces no lethal hardware, its supply chain is integrated into the IMOD’s “Institutional Supply” framework, specifically through the “Shekem” system.

3.1 The “Shekem” System: Logistics of Morale

The term “Shekem” (an acronym for Sherut Kantinot, or Canteen Services) refers to the specialized retail and dining infrastructure embedded within IDF bases.⁵ Historically a state-run enterprise, the Shekem system was privatized but remains the sole provider of on-base access to consumer goods for soldiers.

• Operational Reality: A Shekem is not merely a convenience store; it is a logistical node for base sustainment. Soldiers restricted to base (often for weeks at a time) rely on the Shekem for supplemental nutrition, hygiene products, and morale-boosting goods. In remote bases in the Negev or the West Bank, the Shekem is the only source of non-rationed food.
• Tempo’s Role: Tempo Beverages is a primary supplier to this network.⁵ By supplying Pepsi, 7-Up, Mountain Dew, and Malt Star beer to these canteens, Tempo ensures that PepsiCo products are integrated into the daily caloric intake of active-duty personnel.
• Complicity Assessment: This activity falls squarely within Band 3.1–3.9 (Logistical Sustainment). The supply is not incidental “market drift” (where a soldier might buy a Pepsi at a civilian gas station); it is a structured, contract-based supply chain entering closed military zones. The delivery vehicles require security clearance to enter bases, and the volumes are negotiated at an institutional level.⁶

3.2 Institutional Contracts and the HRI Market

The Israeli “Hotel, Restaurant, and Institutional” (HRI) market is valued at over $4.42 billion, with the IDF being a massive institutional consumer.⁶ The IMOD has privatized its food supply chain, involving over 150,000 meals per day.⁶

• The Tempo Connection: Tempo is listed as a major player in the Israeli food trade, alongside Tnuva and Osem.¹⁰ While the specific tender number for Tempo’s current contract is not itemized in the public snippets (unlike Dell’s $150M tender ¹⁰), the IMOD’s reliance on major domestic bottlers for beverage supply is a standard logistical practice.
• Regulatory Integration: The integration of Tempo into the national food security apparatus is evidenced by the handling of product recalls. In 2022, a recall of Nestea (distributed by Tempo) was managed through the National Food Services, a body that coordinates with national emergency supply protocols.¹⁵ During conflicts, such as the 2023-2024 Gaza war, Israel’s “Security of Supply” regulations often mandate that major food producers prioritize IMOD requests to ensure the resilience of the home front and the military.¹⁶

3.3 The West Bank “Captive Market” Mechanism

Tempo Beverages functions as the exclusive distributor of PepsiCo products to the Palestinian Authority.¹³ This arrangement is not a standard export agreement; it is structured by the military occupation.

• The Paris Protocol: Under the economic annex of the Oslo Accords (Paris Protocol), the Palestinian territories operate under the same customs envelope as Israel. This grants Israeli companies like Tempo de facto dominance over the Palestinian market, as Palestinian competitors face severe restrictions on imports and movement.
• Economic Exploitation: The snippets identify this as “benefiting from access to a captive Palestinian market generated by the Israeli occupation”.¹³ Tempo extracts revenue from the occupied population while simultaneously supplying the occupying forces. This dual-profit mechanism is a hallmark of the occupation economy.
• Settlement Origins: Tempo’s subsidiary, Barkan Wineries, was originally established in the industrial zone of the Barkan settlement in the occupied West Bank.¹³ While the main facility was moved, the brand’s history and ongoing grape sourcing from occupied territories (West Bank and Golan Heights) link the PepsiCo supply chain to the settlement enterprise.¹⁴

4. Vector II: Militarized Infrastructure Construction (The Negev)

The most significant finding of this audit concerns PepsiCo’s wholly-owned subsidiary, SodaStream, and its facility in the Idan HaNegev Industrial Park. This vector represents the highest level of complicity identified (Band 5.1–6.0).

4.1 The Strategic Withdrawal from Mishor Adumim

Until 2015, SodaStream operated its flagship factory in the Mishor Adumim industrial zone, located in the illegal West Bank settlement of Ma’ale Adumim.² This location was the focal point of a global boycott campaign involving high-profile figures (e.g., Scarlett Johansson).¹⁸

• The Relocation Narrative: In response to this pressure—which the CEO described as a “pain in the ass” and a financial liability—SodaStream relocated its operations to the Negev, inside the Green Line.⁴ The company framed this move as a commercial decision and a transition to a “new era” of coexistence.³
• Forensic Reality: The withdrawal from the West Bank was a tactical maneuver to escape the stigma of settlement production. However, the choice of the new location, Idan HaNegev, shifted the company’s complicity from “International Law Violation” (Settlements) to “Internal Displacement Support” (Prawer Plan).

4.2 Idan HaNegev: An Instrument of Demographic Engineering

The Idan HaNegev Industrial Park is not a neutral commercial zone. It is a strategic asset in the Israeli government’s long-term plan to secure the Negev region against Bedouin land claims.

• Historical Context (“The Siyag”): Following the 1948 war, the Bedouin population in the Negev was concentrated into a closed military zone known as the “Siyag” (Fence).⁴ Their traditional lands were nationalized and declared military firing zones to prevent return. The establishment of industrial parks like Idan HaNegev on these lands is the modern continuation of this policy.
• The Prawer Plan Logic: The industrial park is located near Rahat, a planned township designed to urbanize the Bedouin population.³ The state’s strategy is to demolish “unrecognized” Bedouin villages (which lack water/electricity) and force their residents into townships like Rahat to serve as a labor force for factories like SodaStream.⁴
• Complicity in Displacement: By anchoring Idan HaNegev, SodaStream provides the economic justification for this urbanization policy. The factory received a 25-million-shekel ($7 million) government grant to establish operations there.²¹ This grant serves as a subsidy for participating in the state’s demographic engineering goals.

4.3 The “Coexistence” Shield vs. Economic Coercion

SodaStream markets its Negev facility as an “Island of Peace” where Bedouins and Jews work side by side.³ However, forensic analysis suggests this dynamic is one of economic coercion.

• Destruction of Agriculture: The state systematically destroys Bedouin agriculture (e.g., crop spraying, land confiscation) to render their traditional lifestyle unviable.²⁰
• Labor Dependency: Having destroyed the independent economic base of the Bedouin, the state offers factory jobs at SodaStream as the only alternative. As one Bedouin activist noted, “SodaStream’s factory… could help destroy Bedouin agriculture” by replacing it with low-wage industrial labor.²⁰
• Conclusion: PepsiCo, through SodaStream, is effectively capitalizing on the dispossession of the indigenous population. The factory is the “carrot” in a “carrot and stick” policy where the “stick” is home demolition. This constitutes Militarized Infrastructure Support.

4.4 Military Zoning and Security

The Negev remains a heavily militarized region. The lands allocated for Idan HaNegev were historically military training zones, and the industrial park operates in close coordination with regional security planning.²² During the 2023 war, Idan HaNegev served as a recruitment center for volunteers to harvest crops in the “Gaza Envelope” after foreign workers fled, highlighting its dual function as a civilian-military logistical hub during national emergencies.²³

5. Vector III: Financial and Ideological Support (The Strauss/Sabra Nexus)

The user’s third core requirement involves identifying leadership or ownership that “ideologically supports Israel.” The partnership with the Strauss Group provides the most explicit evidence of this.

5.1 The Structure of the Joint Venture

Sabra Dipping Company is not merely a supplier relationship; it is a joint venture (JV) owned 50% by PepsiCo and 50% by Strauss Group.¹² This structure means that PepsiCo is effectively a co-owner of a business unit with a company that has integrated military support into its corporate DNA.

5.2 The “Adoption” of the Golani Brigade

The Strauss Group has a longstanding, formal relationship with the Golani Brigade, one of the IDF’s most active infantry units, known for its involvement in major combat operations in Gaza (2008, 2014, 2023) and Lebanon.

• Historical Evidence (2010-2014): In 2010, the Strauss Group’s website explicitly stated that it had “adopted” the Golani Brigade and provided “care packages” to soldiers.⁷ Following a BDS campaign, the English language reference was removed, but the Hebrew references and the material support continued.
• Nature of Support: The support goes beyond general philanthropy. It involves funding “welfare” and “resilience” activities for the unit.⁷ While Strauss claims this is for “cultural” or “sports” activities, in a military context, unit funds are fungible. Money provided for recreation frees up IMOD budget allocations for other operational needs.
• Post-October 7 Support (2023-2024): In the aftermath of the October 7 attacks, Strauss Group CEO Shai Babad publicly reaffirmed the company’s commitment to “strengthen the soldiers of the IDF”.⁸ The company lists partnerships with “Friends of the IDF” (FIDF), a US-based organization that transfers millions of dollars to the Israeli military.⁸
• Marketing Militarism: In 2024, Strauss launched a “nostalgic edition” chocolate bar campaign in partnership with the Friends of the IDF Disabled Veterans Organization, with revenue from sales donated to soldier rehabilitation.²⁸ This demonstrates that the company actively uses military affiliation as a marketing tool to drive sales.

5.3 Material Complicity via Revenue Sharing

The crux of PepsiCo’s complicity here is financial. Every tub of Sabra hummus sold in the United States generates profit. Fifty percent of that profit flows to the Strauss Group. The Strauss Group then uses its consolidated revenue to fund its CSR initiatives, which include the support of the Golani Brigade.

• The Nexus: Therefore, PepsiCo’s global distribution network effectively acts as a funding mechanism for a corporate entity that directly subsidizes specific IDF combat units. This falls under Band 3.8 (Logistical/Financial Sustainment).

5.4 Wartime Logistics Coordination

During the 2023 war, Strauss and Leket Israel (a food rescue organization) collaborated to support farmers in the conflict zones of the Gaza Envelope.³⁰ The snippets reveal that this operation involved maintaining “direct and ongoing contact with… IDF divisions”.³⁰ This indicates that Strauss (and by extension, its JV capacity) is integrated into the civilian-military liaison structures that manage logistics in active war zones.

6. Vector IV: Dual-Use Technology and Food Security Innovation

The fourth requirement assesses “Dual-Use” supply. While PepsiCo does not sell weapon systems, its investment in food technology in Israel overlaps with the state’s national security interest in “Food Security.”

6.1 Finistere Ventures and the Kiryat Shmona Incubator

PepsiCo is a key investor in Finistere Ventures, an agrifood tech fund.³¹ Finistere, in partnership with Tnuva, Tempo, and OurCrowd, won a tender to operate a food-tech incubator in Kiryat Shmona.

• Geostrategic Relevance: Kiryat Shmona is Israel’s northernmost city, located directly on the Lebanese border. It is a frequent target of Hezbollah rocket fire and is heavily securitized. The Israeli government invests in high-tech incubators in these peripheral regions (“Development Towns”) to anchor the population and economy in vulnerable border areas.
• Complicity Assessment: By investing in this incubator, PepsiCo supports the economic viability of a border city critical to Israel’s territorial defense strategy. This aligns with “Civilian Parallel” support (Band 2.0), as it strengthens the resilience of the border socio-economic fabric.

6.2 Supply Chain Resilience Models

PepsiCo collaborates with Israeli academic and technological institutions on advanced supply chain analytics. Snippets reference collaboration with Retsef Levi (MIT/Technion) on supply chain models.³²

• Dual-Use Potential: Supply chain resilience is a dual-use discipline. The same algorithms that optimize the delivery of Pepsi to supermarkets can be adapted for military logistics (e.g., optimizing ration delivery). While there is no evidence PepsiCo transferred these specific models to the IDF, the intellectual exchange strengthens Israel’s dominance in the logistics-tech sector, which feeds directly into its defense capabilities.

6.3 Cannabis-Based Beverages and Innovation

Tempo Beverages has entered a joint venture with Nextage Innovation, an Israeli firm developing cannabis-based products.³³ While primarily a consumer play, the Israeli cannabis research sector is closely tied to the medical establishment, which services the Ministry of Defense (rehabilitation of wounded soldiers). This is a tertiary link but demonstrates the deep integration of PepsiCo’s partners into the Israeli R&D ecosystem.

7. Forensic Data Synthesis and Complicity Ranking

7.1 Table: Operational Footprint and Complicity Banding

7.2 Comparative Analysis: PepsiCo vs. Defense Primes

To contextualize the ranking, PepsiCo is compared against other entities present in the research material:

• Elbit Systems (Band 9.0–10.0): Directly manufactures airborne munitions and drones for the IMOD ($260M contracts).³⁴ PepsiCo has zero activity in this band.
• Dell Technologies (Band 5.0–6.0): Won a $150M tender for server maintenance for the IMOD.¹⁰ This is critical IT infrastructure. SodaStream’s physical infrastructure complicity is comparable in impact (land control) but less direct in combat application.
• Caterpillar (Band 8.0 implied): While not detailed in depth, snippet ³⁶ mentions Caterpillar’s equipment is used for demolitions. PepsiCo’s role is soft infrastructure (economic displacement) rather than hard destruction (bulldozers).

7.3 The “Systemic” Argument (Band 9.5+)

BDS advocates argue that PepsiCo fits into the “Systemic” band because its presence normalizes the occupation and provides tax revenue.³⁷ The UN and World Bank have noted that international corporate presence is key to the sustainability of the Israeli economy. However, for a defense logistics audit, we must distinguish between general economic participation (paying taxes) and specific military support. PepsiCo’s activities with Tempo (Shekem) and Strauss (Golani) provide that specific link, elevating it out of the general “Systemic” noise and into actionable “Logistical Sustainment.”

8. Second-Order Forensic Insights

8.1 The “Civilian Shield” Strategy

PepsiCo employs a sophisticated strategy of “liability insulation.” The parent company maintains a sanitized, globalist brand image (“providing products to consumers,” “neutral stance” ¹), while outsourcing the “dirty work” of military support to its local partners.

• Insight: By using Tempo to handle the Shekem contracts and Strauss to handle the “patriotism,” PepsiCo captures the value of the militarized Israeli market without signing the IMOD tenders itself. The forensic audit pierces this shield by identifying the joint venture revenue and franchise mandates as the connective tissue.

8.2 The Geopolitics of Hummus and Soda

The product lines themselves—hummus and soda—seem innocuous, but their production is geopolitical.

• SodaStream: The shift from the West Bank to the Negev was not a move from “occupied” to “free” land; it was a move from “externally occupied” to “internally colonized” land. The Idan HaNegev factory effectively validates the state’s claim that the Bedouin lands are state lands available for industrial development.
• Sabra: The marketing of Sabra hummus relies on the “authenticity” of its Israeli roots. This authenticity is derived from the Strauss Group, whose identity is inextricably linked to the IDF (Golani Brigade). Thus, the brand equity is partly built on the cultural militarism of its parent.

8.3 The Resilience of the “Garrison State”

PepsiCo’s integration into the food security apparatus (via Tempo/National Food Services and Finistere) supports the resilience of Israel as a “garrison state.” An army cannot fight if the home front is starving or if the supply lines break. By ensuring the robust distribution of goods to bases (Shekem) and border towns (Kiryat Shmona), PepsiCo contributes to the strategic depth of the Israeli defense posture.

9. Conclusion and Recommendations

9.1 Final Verdict

Based on the evidence collected and analyzed against the “Military Complicity” scale, PepsiCo cannot be classified as a neutral civilian actor.

• Direct Defense Contracting: None (Score 0.0) for lethal goods; Low-Mid (Score 3.5) for institutional sustainment via Tempo.
• Militarized Infrastructure: Moderate-High (Score 5.5) via SodaStream’s Negev operations.
• Ideological Support: Low-Mid (Score 3.8) via the Strauss Group partnership.

The weighted forensic assessment places PepsiCo in the Band 3.5 – 5.5 range. It is a critical logistical partner providing “soft” sustainment (food, beverages, morale) and economic infrastructure that underpins the state’s demographic and territorial goals.

9.2 Recommendation for Future Monitoring

The analyst should monitor the following indicators for potential escalation in complicity:

1. Expansion of Idan HaNegev: Any expansion of the SodaStream facility that correlates with new demolition orders for Bedouin villages in the Rahat/Negev area.
2. Strauss Group/IDF Ties: Any direct “adoption” of units by Sabra (US entity) rather than Strauss (Israel entity), or increased marketing coordination with the FIDF.
3. Tempo’s West Bank Operations: Any deeper integration of Tempo’s distribution network into new settlement blocs or direct contracts with the Civil Administration in the West Bank.

This report provides the granular data required to justify the inclusion of PepsiCo on “Watch Lists” for entities providing material support to the logistical and infrastructural maintenance of the Israeli military occupation.

Report Author: Senior Defense Logistics Analyst

Date: November 28, 2025

Classification: Deep Research / Forensic Audit

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