Morrisons

Key Findings

Economic: Morrisons has sold Israeli-origin agricultural goods, and a 2013 investigation traced its own-brand Medjoul-date packaging to Hadiklaim at Tomer, an Israeli settlement in the occupied Jordan Valley; Morrisons said the fruit was grown in Israel and only temporarily packed there.¹

Settlements: Later investigations and an October 2024 legal notice alleged continuing exposure through suppliers associated with settlement agriculture, but the notice is not an adjudication, no Morrisons response or resulting litigation was identified, and recent label checks establish Israeli-origin dates without establishing a current settlement packing site.^{2, 3, 4}

Political: Morrisons has faced recurring boycott activity over Israeli and alleged settlement-origin produce, while its only documented Israel/Palestine-related institutional humanitarian involvement is participation as a retail partner in the DEC Middle East Humanitarian Appeal.^{5, 6}

Not found: No public evidence identified of Morrisons holding Israeli military or security contracts, supplying military goods, participating directly in Project Nimbus, using identified Israeli-origin surveillance technology, operating in Israel or the occupied territories, or appearing in the OHCHR settlements database.^{7, 8, 9, 10, 11}

Target Profile

Field	Detail
Company Name	Wm Morrison Supermarkets / Morrisons
Jurisdiction	No public evidence identified in the four audits
Headquarters	Bradford, West Yorkshire, United Kingdom
Sector	Food and grocery retail
Ownership	Privately owned following a roughly £7 billion 2021 acquisition by a consortium led by US private-equity firm Clayton, Dubilier & Rice (CD&R).¹²
Key Executives / Governance	Rami Baitiéh, Chief Executive since November 2023.¹³ The Economic and Political audits identify Sir Terry Leahy as Chair following the CD&R acquisition, while Digital separately describes Andrew Higginson as Chairman; the current-chair discrepancy is unresolved within the supplied audit record.^{14, 15}
Israeli-Nexus Summary	A UK retailer purchasing Israeli-origin agricultural products, with documented historical and alleged later exposure to settlement-associated suppliers, but no identified Israeli operating presence, military relationship, or direct political role.

Key Facts:

Morrisons operates approximately 500 stores, all identified by the audits as being in the United Kingdom; no stores, offices, warehouses, data centres, or other operating facilities were identified in Israel or the Occupied Palestinian Territories.¹⁶
The principal nexus concerns dates, avocados, mangoes, pomegranates, citrus and wine sold through Morrisons’ civilian grocery business.^{1, 2}
Morrisons itself was not identified in the OHCHR database of enterprises linked to settlement activity, although the Economic audit reports that suppliers Hadiklaim and Mehadrin appear in the relevant record.⁷

Executive Summary

Morrisons’ documented Israel/Palestine nexus is primarily economic and supply-chain based. The retailer has sold agricultural goods labelled as Israeli, including own-brand Medjoul dates, avocados, mangoes, pomegranates and Barkan wine. The strongest specific evidence is a 2013 investigation that obtained Morrisons date packaging listing Hadiklaim as exporter and traced the packing operation to Tomer, an Israeli settlement in the occupied Jordan Valley. Morrisons acknowledged that the dates had been packed in Tomer, but maintained that they were grown in Israel and that settlement packing occurred temporarily while another site was found.¹

Civil-society field research published in 2020 reported Hadiklaim dates, Galilee avocados and mangoes, Miriam Shoham pomegranates and Barkan wine on Morrisons shelves, and described Greenyard Fresh as a distribution channel for Israeli produce entering the UK market.² Separate supplier research associates Hadiklaim and Mehadrin with agricultural or packing facilities in Israeli settlements.^{17, 18} These supplier-level activities are relevant to Morrisons’ sourcing exposure, but they are not evidence that Morrisons owns or operates the facilities.

On 30 October 2024, the International Centre of Justice for Palestinians sent Morrisons and seven other UK supermarkets legal notices alleging sales of settlement-origin goods and seeking information about products, due diligence and steps to end such sales.³ The notice records allegations and potential legal theories, not a judicial finding. No public evidence identified of a Morrisons response, resulting litigation, or UK Trading Standards enforcement against Morrisons. Label checks conducted in December 2025 and January 2026 found Morrisons selling Medjool dates labelled as originating in Israel, supporting continued Israeli sourcing but not independently establishing a current settlement origin or packing location.⁴

The remaining vectors are unsupported by direct evidence. No public evidence identified of military procurement, logistical support, weapons production, Israeli security-sector contracts, direct Project Nimbus participation, Israeli-origin surveillance vendors, Israeli R&D, lobbying, political donations, or a Morrisons operating presence in Israel or the occupied territories. Vendor-level Israeli activities by Google, Amazon or TCS do not establish that Morrisons’ UK technology contracts support those activities.^{10, 19, 20, 21} On the fixed, human-vetted V6.4 scores, Economic is therefore the only non-zero domain at 3.50. The resulting BRS is 292, placing Morrisons in Tier D (Moderate).

Timeline of Relevant Events

Date	Event
February 2013	An investigation published Morrisons own-brand Medjoul-date packaging listing Hadiklaim as exporter and traced the packing to Tomer in the occupied Jordan Valley. Morrisons acknowledged Tomer packing but said the dates were grown in Israel and that future dates would be packed there as well.¹
2013	Palestine Solidarity Campaign correspondence challenged Morrisons’ origin assurances and sought an independent investigation; Morrisons also faced boycott activity and a countervailing pro-Israel “buycott.”^{5, 22}
February 2020	Follow-up field research reported Hadiklaim dates, Galilee avocados and mangoes, Miriam Shoham pomegranates and Barkan wine on Morrisons shelves.²
2021	A CD&R-led consortium completed a roughly £7 billion take-private acquisition of Morrisons.¹²
30 October 2024	ICJP sent Morrisons and seven other UK supermarkets a legal notice alleging sales of settlement-origin products and requesting disclosure of products and due-diligence measures. No resulting litigation was identified in the audits.³
October 2024	Morrisons was listed as a retail partner for the Disasters Emergency Committee’s Middle East Humanitarian Appeal; no Morrisons-specific donation amount was identified.⁶
29 April 2025	NCR Voyix announced a five-year agreement to provide point-of-sale software across approximately 13,000 checkout lanes in around 500 Morrisons stores. No Israel nexus was identified for this deployment.¹⁶
9 July 2025	Morrisons launched a Google Cloud and Gemini-based Product Finder for consumer in-store navigation. No Israel, military, or surveillance nexus was identified for the application.¹⁰
September 2025	The OHCHR settlements database was updated; the audits found Morrisons was not named.^{7, 23}
December 2025–January 2026	Ethical Consumer label checks identified Morrisons Medjool dates labelled as originating in Israel. The checks did not establish that the dates were currently grown or packed in a settlement.⁴

Corporate Overview

Morrisons is a Bradford-headquartered food and grocery retailer operating approximately 500 UK stores. It became privately owned in 2021 through a consortium led by CD&R.^{16, 12} No public evidence identified of an Israeli subsidiary, franchise, store, office, warehouse, logistics hub, data centre, research facility, workforce or tax presence.

The company’s relevant Israeli relationships are procurement relationships rather than subsidiaries or franchises. The audits document Morrisons-branded dates linked historically to Hadiklaim, as well as goods attributed to Mehadrin/Galilee, Miriam Shoham and Barkan.^{1, 2} Supplier research associates Hadiklaim and Mehadrin with settlement agricultural or packing infrastructure, but the audits do not establish Morrisons ownership, control or operation of that infrastructure.^{17, 18}

Morrisons’ live grocery site has carried Barkan-brand Israeli wine, but no public evidence identified that the specific wine sold by Morrisons came from an occupied-territory vineyard rather than Barkan’s facility at Kibbutz Hulda.²⁴ Likewise, the recent finding of dates labelled from Israel supports continued Israeli sourcing but does not resolve their precise farm or packing location.⁴

A Morrisons/Global Pacific joint venture operates a UK banana-ripening facility, but no sourced connection to Israel or settlement supply chains was identified.²⁵ A circulating claim that Morrisons used Israeli company Trigo for its “Project Sarah” checkout-free trial was rejected by the audit: contemporary reporting identifies US company AiFi as the technology provider.²⁶ Trigo’s investor “Morrag Investments” is a separate entity and not Morrisons.^{27, 28}

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

No public evidence identified of Morrisons holding a contract, tender, framework agreement or memorandum with the Israeli Ministry of Defense, IDF, Israel Prison Service, Border Police or another Israeli security body. No evidence was identified of arms exports, military components, weapons systems, tactical products, construction machinery, base services, fuel, freight, catering or other logistical support.

UK arms-export materials reviewed in the military audit concern other exporters and licensees, not Morrisons.^{8, 9} The documented settlement-related activity is agricultural sourcing and packing, not military procurement, construction or sustainment.

CD&R separately holds an interest in Pursuit Aerospace, which produces components for commercial and military aviation engines.^{29, 30} A more specific claim concerning F-15 nozzle seals and an Israeli Foreign Military Sales end-user could not be substantiated by a primary source and remains unconfirmed. It is not attributed to Morrisons and does not support a Military score.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence is categorical: Morrisons is a civilian UK grocery retailer, and the audit found no defence contract, controlled export, military customer, military logistics service or military product. Agricultural trade involving Israeli suppliers does not itself establish support for Israeli armed forces.

Parent-company ownership also does not permit transitive attribution. CD&R’s unrelated aerospace investment cannot be treated as a Morrisons activity, and the reviewed portfolio materials establish no Israel or IDF end-user.^{29, 30} CEO Rami Baitiéh’s reserve commission in the French Air and Space Force is unrelated to Israel; no Israel, IDF or defence-industry connection was identified in his audited biography.¹³

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Entity	Documented role	Evidentiary finding
Morrisons	UK civilian grocery retailer	No public evidence identified of Israeli defence or security contracting.
Israeli Ministry of Defense / IDF	Potential counterpart checked	No contract or procurement relationship identified.
CD&R	Morrisons’ private-equity owner	Separately invested in Pursuit Aerospace; no Morrisons-specific or Israel-specific defence nexus established.^{29, 30}
Pursuit Aerospace	Commercial and military aviation-engine component supplier	Generic aerospace exposure only; the alleged Israel/F-15 connection remains unsubstantiated.²⁹
Hadiklaim / Tomer	Agricultural supplier and historical packing location	Relevant to economic sourcing, not military activity.¹

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

Morrisons’ identified technology stack includes Google Cloud services used for a Gemini-based customer Product Finder, an AWS-based platform built by Mastek, TCS support for loyalty, marketing, e-commerce and retail systems, NCR Voyix point-of-sale software, and Auror retail-crime technology.^{10, 31, 19, 16, 11} These are retail and enterprise deployments.

Google and Amazon are vendors to Project Nimbus at the group level, and TCS separately supplies BaNCS software to an Israeli digital bank.^{20, 21} No source connects Morrisons’ tenancy, data, software or UK contracts to Nimbus, Israeli government workloads, or TCS’s Israel-facing activities.

Morrisons’ privacy policy discloses facial-recognition processing that creates biometric templates for watchlist images compared with store CCTV.³² The vendor for that component is not identified in the audits. Auror is documented as a New Zealand-founded retail-crime platform, and no Israeli ownership or underlying Israeli technology was identified.¹¹ No public evidence identified linking Morrisons to Trigo, BriefCam, AnyVision/Oosto, Trax or another named Israeli surveillance vendor.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The principal defence is that Morrisons is a customer of general-purpose retail technology, not a provider to Israeli state bodies. Shared use of Google, Amazon or TCS by Morrisons and unrelated Israeli clients does not demonstrate shared infrastructure, data flows, contractual purpose or operational support.

Morrisons’ facial-recognition system raises a distinct privacy issue, but the vendor’s identity and national origin remain unresolved. It would therefore be improper to characterize it as Israeli technology. The verified “Project Sarah” supplier was AiFi, not Trigo, directly rebutting a wrong-entity attribution present in some search summaries.^{26, 27, 28}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Entity	Documented role	Evidentiary finding
Google Cloud	Product Finder cloud and Gemini provider	Consumer retail application; no Morrisons-to-Nimbus connection identified.^{10, 21}
Amazon Web Services / Mastek	Cloud platform and earlier call-centre infrastructure	No Morrisons data-centre presence in Israel or Nimbus participation identified.³¹
TCS	Morrisons digital-transformation partner	TCS has separate Israeli banking activity, but no link between that activity and its Morrisons engagement.^{19, 20}
NCR Voyix	Point-of-sale SaaS provider	Retail deployment across Morrisons stores; no Israeli security nexus identified.¹⁶
Auror	Retail-crime intelligence provider	New Zealand-origin platform; no Israeli technology basis identified.¹¹
Trigo	Israeli-founded checkout technology company	No Morrisons relationship substantiated; the Morrisons pilot used AiFi.^{26, 27}
Israeli state and security bodies	Potential technology recipients checked	No Morrisons contract, service or data relationship identified.

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

Economic contains the dossier’s only scored vector. In 2013, Morrisons own-brand Medjoul-date packaging was traced to Hadiklaim at Tomer and labelled “Produce of Israel.” Morrisons acknowledged settlement packing while maintaining that the fruit was grown in Israel and that the arrangement was temporary.¹ This is the clearest documented Morrisons-specific connection to a settlement location.

Research published in 2020 reported continued availability of Hadiklaim dates and other Israeli goods, including Galilee avocados and mangoes, Miriam Shoham pomegranates and Barkan wine.² Supplier research documents Hadiklaim activity connected to Beit Ha’Arava and Tomer and Mehadrin facilities in Beka’ot, Messua, Tomer, Na’aran and Netiv Hagdud, as well as Miriam Shoham activity in the occupied Golan Heights.^{17, 18} These findings establish supplier exposure; they do not prove that every Morrisons product from those companies was settlement-grown or packed.

The October 2024 ICJP notice alleged that Morrisons and other supermarkets sold settlement-origin dates, mangoes, avocados, tahini, halva and bakery goods associated with several named suppliers.³ No public evidence identified of a Morrisons response or of the notice progressing to litigation. Recent label checks identify Israeli-origin Medjool dates at Morrisons, but do not independently establish a present settlement source.⁴

No public evidence identified of Morrisons generating revenue in Israel, operating Israeli facilities, holding Israeli real estate, financing Israeli sovereign debt or maintaining Israeli R&D. Its economic connection is as a UK purchaser of imported agricultural products.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Morrisons’ strongest factual defence is its repeated statement that it does not source from the Occupied Palestinian Territories, including the West Bank; that the Tomer-packed dates were grown inside Israel; and that origin integrity is tested through random traceability checks.^{1, 33} It said subsequent dates would be grown, sourced and packed in Israel.

Civil-society investigators disputed the plausibility of moving Israeli-grown dates into the occupied Jordan Valley merely for packing, but that dispute was not resolved by an identified regulator or court.^{1, 2} No DEFRA or Trading Standards enforcement against Morrisons was found despite campaign requests for complaints, and Morrisons itself was not listed in the OHCHR settlements database.^{5, 7}

The ICJP notice must be treated as an allegation and demand for information, not proof of criminal liability.³ Current Israeli-origin labelling likewise cannot be converted into a current settlement-origin finding without farm, exporter or packing-site evidence.⁴

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Entity	Documented role	Evidentiary finding
Morrisons	UK purchaser and retailer	Sold Israeli-origin agricultural goods; acknowledged historical packing of own-brand dates at Tomer.¹
Hadiklaim	Israeli date growers’ cooperative/exporter	Named on Morrisons packaging; associated by supplier research with Tomer and Beit Ha’Arava.^{1, 17}
Mehadrin / Galilee Export	Produce supplier/exporter	Linked by supplier research to settlement facilities; cited in the 2024 legal notice.^{18, 3}
Miriam Shoham	Produce company associated with pomegranates and mangoes	Products reported at Morrisons; supplier activity linked to the occupied Golan Heights.^{2, 18}
Greenyard Fresh	Commercial produce distributor	Identified as a route for Israeli produce into the UK; no military function identified.²
Barkan	Israeli wine producer	Live Morrisons listing identified; no evidence that the specific listed product came from an occupied-territory vineyard.²⁴
ICJP	Legal advocacy organization	Issued a 2024 notice; no adjudication or resulting litigation identified.³
OHCHR	Maintains settlements-business database	Morrisons not identified in the audited database checks.^{7, 23}

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

No public evidence identified of Morrisons lobbying for Israel, financing pro-Israel or anti-BDS organizations, donating to Israeli state or settlement bodies, sponsoring Israeli state public-relations initiatives, or adopting a corporate position on the Israel–Palestine conflict. Its public comments have been reactive sourcing statements rather than geopolitical advocacy.³³

The political relevance derives principally from public controversy over the economic relationship. Morrisons has faced Palestine Solidarity Campaign correspondence, protests, localized information stalls and broader BDS-aligned consumer campaigns concerning Israeli and alleged settlement-origin produce.^{5, 34, 35} A pro-Israel “buycott” encouraged consumers to purchase Israeli goods at Morrisons and Waitrose in response.²² These campaigns describe external political activity directed at Morrisons; they are not evidence that Morrisons adopted either campaign’s politics.

Morrisons is documented as a retail partner for the DEC Middle East Humanitarian Appeal. The DEC reported that 72% of the appeal’s first-six-month expenditure went to Gaza programmes, but no Morrisons-specific contribution amount was identified.⁶ No Israel- or Palestine-related grant by the Morrisons Foundation was identified; its documented purpose is UK community grant-making matched to colleague fundraising.³⁶

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Morrisons can reasonably characterize its conduct as ordinary commercial grocery sourcing rather than a political partnership. Its sourcing denials were expressly framed as commercial and traceability matters, and no public evidence identified of a corporate statement supporting Israeli government policy or opposing Palestinian rights.³³

The company’s participation in a humanitarian appeal is evidence of a general retail-partner role, not a quantified political or financial commitment by Morrisons. Conversely, being targeted by boycott or buycott campaigns does not establish corporate alignment with either side.^{6, 34, 22}

Although settlement operation can engage both economic and political scoring under the methodology, the audits do not establish that Morrisons itself owned or operated a settlement facility. The historical evidence concerns a supplier’s packing location. That distinction, together with the absence of lobbying, political finance, state partnership or direct territorial operation, supports the fixed Political score of zero.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Entity	Documented role	Evidentiary finding
Morrisons	Retailer and campaign target	Issued sourcing-specific denials; no broader corporate Israel–Palestine position identified.³³
Palestine Solidarity Campaign / BDS Movement	Boycott and correspondence organizers	Conducted external campaigns concerning Israeli and alleged settlement produce.^{5, 34}
Pro-Israel “Buycott” organizers	Counter-campaign	Encouraged purchases of Israeli goods at Morrisons and Waitrose.²²
ICJP	Issuer of legal notice	Alleged settlement-goods exposure; no adjudication identified.³
Disasters Emergency Committee	Humanitarian appeal organizer	Listed Morrisons as a retail partner; no Morrisons-specific donation amount identified.⁶
Morrisons Foundation	UK charitable foundation	No Israel/Palestine-related grants identified in the audit.³⁶
Israeli state or advocacy bodies	Potential political relationships checked	No lobbying, donation, formal partnership or leadership role identified.

Counter-Arguments

The company’s strongest defence rests on five documented points.

First, Morrisons has consistently denied sourcing goods from the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Regarding the 2013 dates, it acknowledged Tomer packing but said the dates were grown in Israel, described the arrangement as temporary and stated that later products would also be packed in Israel.^{1, 33}

Second, no regulator or court finding was identified against Morrisons. Campaigners disputed its explanation and encouraged Trading Standards complaints, but no Morrisons-specific enforcement resulted in the audited record. The 2024 ICJP notice remains an allegation and legal warning rather than a judgment.^{3, 5}

Third, supplier conduct is not automatically Morrisons conduct. Hadiklaim and Mehadrin’s documented settlement activities establish supply-chain risk, but not Morrisons ownership or operation of their facilities.^{17, 18} Similarly, recent “Israel” labels do not identify a settlement farm or packing location.⁴

Fourth, Morrisons has no identified Israeli operating footprint and is not named in the audited OHCHR settlements database checks.^{7, 23} Its business relationship is civilian agricultural purchasing by a UK retailer, not direct participation in settlement administration, infrastructure or security.

Finally, the military and digital theories do not withstand entity-specific verification. CD&R’s separate aerospace investment, Google and Amazon’s Nimbus contracts, TCS’s Israeli banking work, and the mistaken Trigo attribution cannot be transferred to Morrisons without evidence connecting the relevant contract, system or end-user.^{29, 20, 21, 26}

Complicity Index Score

Domain	I	M	P	V-Domain Score
Military	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00
Digital	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00
Economic	3.50	7.00	9.00	3.50
Political	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00

V_MAX: 3.50 Avg_OTHERS: 0.00
BRS Score: 292 Tier: D (Moderate)

V_MAX is driven entirely by Economic: historical Morrisons-branded date packaging at Tomer and continuing supplier-level exposure documented or alleged in later investigations. The military, digital and political domains remain zero because the vetted record does not establish entity-specific activity meeting those vectors. The result uses the V6.4 fixed-three evidence-panel method with deterministic target-nexus replay and preserves the fixed human-vetted BRS of 292, Tier D (Moderate).

Methodology Note

Evidence is limited to the four supplied domain audits; allegations marked unverified, unconfirmed or unresolved are retained with those qualifications or excluded.
Impact is scale-free and reflects the type of activity. M measures magnitude, while P measures proximity or directness to the relevant conduct.
Divested, exited or discontinued operations are temporally mitigated; historical conduct is not presented as current without supporting evidence.
Entity attribution is specific: parent, supplier, investor and technology-vendor conduct is not transferred through transitive guilt.
Direct settlement operation may count in both Economic and Political, but supplier operation does not become Morrisons operation without evidence of ownership, control or direct participation.
“No public evidence identified” is used where the audits report that relevant checks found nothing; it denotes the documented search result, not proof that contrary evidence cannot exist.