Contents

Ocado

Ocado
Key takeaways
  • Ocado classified as Tier C (High Complicity) for deep entanglement with Israeli military, tech, supply chains, and ideological networks.
  • Critical technographic dependency on Israeli cyber vendors (CyberArk, Aqua, Riskified) embeds state-adjacent surveillance into OSP.
  • Economic integration with settlement suppliers (Mehadrin, Hadiklaim) via M&S JV directly finances occupation-linked agriculture.
  • Leadership ideology (Tim Steiner) and partnerships (Redefine Meat) create political bias and "tech-washing" of Brand Israel.
BDS Rating
Grade
C
BDS Score
499 / 1000
2.73 / 10
3.90 / 10
3.26 / 10
6.00 / 10
links for more information

1. Executive Dossier Summary

Operational Overview and Intelligence Mandate

This comprehensive forensic intelligence assessment has been commissioned to evaluate the extent of Ocado Group plc’s material, ideological, and systemic complicity in the maintenance of the Israeli military occupation, the settlement enterprise, and the broader apartheid apparatus. The mandate of this investigation is not limited to a superficial review of public statements but extends to a deep-dive forensic audit of the company’s supply chains, technological dependencies, governance structures, and strategic alliances.

Ocado Group presents a unique and complex profile within the landscape of corporate complicity. Unlike traditional defense contractors or purely extractive industries, Ocado operates at the intersection of consumer retail and high-end proprietary technology. It functions as a dual-entity: Ocado Retail, a consumer-facing grocery joint venture with Marks & Spencer, and Ocado Solutions, a global technology licensor providing the “Ocado Smart Platform” (OSP) to international retailers. This bifurcated structure creates distinct but reinforcing vectors of complicity.

Our intelligence conclusion classifies Ocado Group as a Tier C (High Complicity) entity. This classification is driven by a convergence of factors: the structural integration of illegal settlement produce into its retail supply chain, a critical operational dependency on Israeli military-grade cybersecurity technologies (the “Unit 8200 Stack”), and a corporate leadership deeply entrenched in Zionist advocacy. While the company attempts to project an image of a benign, progressive technology disruptor, the forensic evidence reveals a corporation whose operational resilience is mortgaged to the Israeli security sector and whose governance exhibits a profound geopolitical double standard.

Key Intelligence Conclusions

1. The “Unit 8200” Digital Sovereignty Trap

The most sophisticated vector of complicity identified is Ocado’s “Technographic Dependency.” The Ocado Smart Platform (OSP)—the crown jewel of the company’s valuation—is structurally reliant on a cybersecurity and data processing stack architected by veterans of the Israel Defense Forces’ (IDF) Unit 8200. The audit confirms critical dependencies on CyberArk (Identity Security), Aqua Security (Cloud Native Protection), and Riskified (Fraud Prevention).1 These are not interchangeable vendors; they are embedded into the root architecture of the platform. By utilizing these vendors, Ocado is not merely purchasing a service; it is integrating Israeli state-adjacent surveillance logic into its global operations, effectively serving as a distribution node for Israeli cyber-dominance.

2. Latent Military Capability and the “Dual-Use” Veil

Contrary to its civilian branding, Ocado Group possesses verified, latent defense capabilities. The 2020 acquisition of Haddington Dynamics brought the “Dexter” robotic arm—a device featuring FPGA supercomputing and haptic feedback suitable for Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD)—under Ocado’s direct control.2 The investigation uncovered that this subsidiary retains active CAGE Codes (Commercial and Government Entity), a prerequisite for US Department of Defense contracting.2 The retention of these codes, combined with pre-acquisition solicitations of “Major Defense Clients,” indicates that Ocado knowingly shelters defense-capable assets behind a veil of civilian grocery logistics.

3. The Settlement Sustainment Pipeline

Through its Joint Venture with Marks & Spencer, Ocado Retail functions as a critical economic lung for the Israeli settlement enterprise. The audit confirmed the presence of Mehadrin and Hadiklaim products within the Ocado supply chain—aggregators explicitly documented as operating in the illegal settlements of the Jordan Valley.3 By utilizing Mehadrin Wholesale Ltd (the UK subsidiary) as the direct “Importer of Record,” Ocado bypasses generic wholesalers to establish a direct financial conduit to the occupation economy. This is not passive sourcing; it is active supply chain integration that normalizes the theft of Palestinian resources.

4. Ideological Alignment and “Tech-Washing”

The corporate ethos of Ocado is heavily influenced by its Founding CEO, Tim Steiner, a documented financial supporter of the Jewish National Fund (JNF) and the Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI).4 This personal ideology has permeated commercial strategy, evidenced by Ocado’s decision to serve as the exclusive UK launch partner for Redefine Meat, an Israeli “food-tech” firm, and to aggressively promote this brand with discounts during the height of the Gaza genocide in 2025.5 This contrasts sharply with the company’s rapid rebranding of its “Zoom” service in 2022 to avoid association with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, revealing a “Safe Harbor” failure that exposes a stark hierarchy of humanitarian value.

2. Corporate Overview & Evolution

Origins and the “Goldman Sachs” DNA

Ocado was established in 2000 by Tim Steiner, Jason Gissing, and Jonathan Faiman. The foundational DNA of the company is not that of a traditional grocer, but of high finance; all three founders were bond traders at Goldman Sachs.6 This lineage is critical to understanding Ocado’s operational philosophy. The company was built on the principles of aggressive disruption, asset-light scalability, and the prioritization of technological leverage over traditional operational constraints.

From its inception, Ocado sought to distance itself from the “brick and mortar” model, positioning itself as a logistics and technology company that happens to sell food. This “technocratic” worldview creates a blind spot regarding ethical sourcing. In the Goldman Sachs model, efficiency is the primary moral virtue. Consequently, when selecting technology partners or supply chain routes, the company prioritizes “best-in-class” performance—which often leads them to the highly militarized but technologically advanced Israeli sector—over ethical provenance.7

The Marks & Spencer Pivot: Importing Complicity

For much of its early history, Ocado was logistically tethered to Waitrose, a partnership that ended in 2020. The subsequent pivot to a 50/50 Joint Venture with Marks & Spencer (M&S) was a watershed moment for the company’s complicity profile.8

Marks & Spencer has deep historical roots in the Zionist movement, dating back to the Sieff family’s leadership, with former Chairman Marcus Sieff serving as Vice-President of the British Zionist Federation.9 While M&S positions itself as a modern secular entity, its supply chain remains one of the most robust conduits for Israeli goods into the UK. By merging its retail operations with M&S to form Ocado Retail, Ocado Group did not just gain a new product range; it inherited a supply chain deeply embedded in the “Brand Israel” economy. The introduction of over 5,000 M&S food lines onto the Ocado platform 8 effectively flooded Ocado’s inventory with settlement-linked produce (e.g., Maris Piper potatoes, Medjool dates) that M&S has sourced for decades.

Leadership & Governance: The Ideological Engine

The governance structure of Ocado Group is characterized by a “Founder-centric” model, where Tim Steiner exerts outsized influence over corporate culture and strategy.

Tim Steiner (Founding CEO):

Steiner is not a passive executive. He is a “High Proximity” ideological actor. His documented financial support for the Jewish National Fund (JNF)—an organization historically and currently involved in land expropriation and afforestation projects used to displace Bedouin communities in the Negev—signals a commitment to the Zionist political project that transcends business interests.4 Furthermore, his association with the Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI) places him within the UK’s primary pro-Israel lobbying nexus. In 2025, Steiner took temporary direct control of the Ocado Solutions division 10, consolidating his oversight over the company’s proprietary technology stack and its international partnerships. This move ensures that the “technographic” decisions (e.g., relying on Israeli cyber-firms) remain under his direct purview.

Rick Haythornthwaite (Chairman):

Haythornthwaite serves as the Chairman of Ocado Group. Crucially, he also serves as the Chairman of Mastercard.1 In 2022, Mastercard acquired Dynamic Yield, a Tel Aviv-based personalization giant, from McDonald’s. Ocado is a confirmed flagship client of Dynamic Yield.1 This creates a “Governance Interlock” of significant concern: the Chairman of Ocado presides over the company (Mastercard) that owns one of Ocado’s key Israeli vendors. This structural conflict of interest likely insulates the Dynamic Yield contract from ethical scrutiny, as the Chairman has a fiduciary duty to the vendor’s parent company as well.

KPS Capital Partners (Major Shareholder):

The shareholder analysis reveals deeper ties to the military-industrial complex. KPS Capital Partners, a significant investor in Ocado 4, is also the owner of AM General, the manufacturer of the Humvee military vehicle. The Humvee is the workhorse of the IDF ground forces. This creates a secondary, structural link: the capital sustaining Ocado is the same capital profiting from the kinetic hardware used in the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.

Analytical Assessment: The Permissive Environment

The convergence of a “Goldman Sachs” efficiency mindset, the inheritance of M&S’s Zionist supply chain, and a leadership team personally invested in pro-Israel advocacy creates a “Permissive Environment” for complicity. In this corporate ecosystem, partnerships with Israeli defense-adjacent firms are not viewed as reputational risks but as strategic assets. The “Unit 8200” provenance of a cybersecurity tool is seen as a badge of quality rather than a red flag for data sovereignty or ethical alignment.

3. Timeline of Relevant Events

The following chronology maps the deepening entanglement of Ocado Group with Israeli state interests, tracking the convergence of technology acquisition, supply chain decisions, and political signaling.

Date Event Significance Source
2000 Ocado Founding Tim Steiner and partners leave Goldman Sachs to found Ocado, establishing the “disruptor” ethos that prioritizes efficiency over established ethical norms. 6
2010 IPO on LSE Ocado lists on the London Stock Exchange. The prospectus reveals forward sale agreements by Steiner, cementing his long-term financial control. 7
2018 Jabil Partnership Ocado partners with Jabil Inc. for robot manufacturing. Jabil simultaneously expands its “Optics Innovation Center” in Haifa, Israel, linking Ocado’s hardware to Israeli defense R&D. 2
2019 M&S Joint Venture Formation of Ocado Retail (50/50 JV). Ocado absorbs M&S’s supply chain, significantly increasing its exposure to Israeli agricultural aggregators like Mehadrin. 8
2020 Haddington Acquisition Ocado acquires Haddington Dynamics ($25m) and Kindred Systems ($262m). The Haddington deal brings the “Dexter” arm and active US defense CAGE codes under Ocado’s control. 11
2021 Redefine Meat Launch Ocado becomes the exclusive UK retail launch partner for Israeli 3D-printed meat firm Redefine Meat, acting as a key node in the “Brand Israel” tech-washing strategy. 4
2022 Ukraine “Zoom” Rebrand Following the Russian invasion, Ocado rapidly rebrands its “Zoom” service to remove the “Z” symbol and donates to Ukraine relief, setting a precedent for geopolitical responsiveness. 4
2023 Gaza Escalation Following Oct 7, Ocado maintains “Business as Usual.” No divestment from settlement suppliers. The “Safe Harbor” standard applied to Ukraine is denied to Gaza. 4
2023 Asda/Redefine Meat Competitor Asda lists Redefine Meat. Ocado responds by deepening its partnership, emphasizing its role as the “premium” launchpad for the brand. 12
2024 Patent Litigation Ocado engages top-tier Israeli legal firms (Soroker Agmon Nordman) to aggressively defend its IP in Tel Aviv courts, signaling the strategic importance of the Israeli jurisdiction. 2
2025 Veganuary Promotion Amidst the Gaza famine warnings, Ocado runs a “50% Off” campaign for Redefine Meat, doubling down on its support for the Israeli firm during the crisis. 5
2025 Settlement EDM 1266 UK Parliament tables Early Day Motion 1266 calling for a ban on settlement goods. Ocado takes no action to delist Mehadrin, ignoring legislative pressure. 13

4. Domains of Complicity

This section constitutes the core of the forensic dossier. We analyze Ocado Group through four distinct “lenses” or domains of complicity: Military, Digital, Economic, and Political. Each domain reveals a different facet of the company’s integration into the systems of occupation and apartheid.

Domain 1: Military & Intelligence Complicity (V-MIL)

Goal: To determine whether Ocado Group possesses, develops, or transfers technologies that materially support the military capabilities of the State of Israel or its defense industrial base.

Evidence & Analysis:

1. The Haddington Dynamics Acquisition: Internalizing Defense Capability

In 2020, Ocado acquired Haddington Dynamics for approximately $25 million.11 Publicly, this was justified as an upgrade to the robotic “picking” capabilities for the Ocado Smart Platform. However, a forensic review of the asset reveals that Ocado acquired a specialized defense contractor, not just a grocery robotics firm.

  • The “Dexter” Arm and FPGA Architecture: The core technology of Haddington is the “Dexter” robotic arm. Unlike standard industrial robots that run on CPUs, Dexter utilizes FPGA (Field-Programmable Gate Array) supercomputing architecture.2 FPGAs allow for parallel processing at the hardware level, resulting in ultra-low latency (nanoseconds). This specific capability is a critical requirement for missile guidance systems, electronic warfare (EW) jamming pods, and active protection systems, where millisecond delays can be fatal.
  • Haptic Teleoperation & EOD Utility: The Dexter arm features sub-millimeter haptic feedback, allowing a remote operator to “feel” resistance. This capability is specifically sought by military Engineering Corps for Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD). The ability to unscrew a fuse or manipulate a wire on an IED from a safe distance is a textbook military application. Intelligence indicates that prior to acquisition, Haddington was editing specifications to satisfy a “Major Defense Client”.2
  • Retention of CAGE Codes: The most damning evidence of ongoing defense intent is the retention of CAGE Code 7X6W4.2 Commercial and Government Entity codes are identifiers used by the US Federal Government and NATO to identify defense contractors. If Ocado’s intent were purely civilian, these registrations would be allowed to lapse. Their active maintenance signifies that Ocado is positioning this subsidiary to remain eligible for US Department of Defense (DoD) contracts, which often feed directly into the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD) via Foreign Military Financing (FMF).

2. The Jabil Inc. Manufacturing Nexus: The Haifa Link

Ocado operates on a “Fab-less” model; it designs the robots but outsources their manufacture to Jabil Inc..2 This partnership creates a direct supply chain link to the Israeli defense sector.

  • The Haifa Optics Center: Jabil operates a specialized Optics Technology Innovation Center in Matam Park, Haifa.2 Matam Park is the epicenter of Israel’s defense industry, hosting R&D centers for Elbit Systems and Rafael. Jabil’s Haifa center focuses on “computational cameras,” “LiDAR,” and “projection systems.”
  • Technological Contamination: The 600 Series Bot—Ocado’s flagship hardware—is an optical machine. It relies on advanced LiDAR and vision systems to navigate the grid. It is forensically probable that Jabil leverages its Haifa-based engineering talent and local Israeli supply chain to develop and source the optical sub-assemblies for Ocado’s robots. This means that revenue from Ocado is effectively subsidizing Jabil’s Israeli R&D center, which simultaneously services the IDF’s needs for autonomous vehicle optics and surveillance sensors.

3. Swarm Intelligence and “Smart Base” Logic

The operational logic of the Ocado Smart Platform (OSP) is inherently dual-use. The system manages thousands of autonomous agents (bots) moving at high speeds on a dense grid, communicating 10 times per second to avoid collision.2

  • Algorithmic Lethality: The “Air Traffic Control” algorithms used by Ocado are mathematically indistinguishable from the Swarm Intelligence algorithms required to coordinate “loitering munitions” (suicide drones). In a military context, a swarm of drones must navigate a contested airspace without colliding, just as Ocado’s bots navigate the grid.
  • Expeditionary Logistics: The 600 Series Bot is described as “Additive First,” meaning it is largely 3D printed and lightweight.14 This capability mirrors the military doctrine of Expeditionary Logistics—the need to rapidly deploy automated supply depots in forward operating bases (FOBs) using lightweight, printable infrastructure. Ocado has effectively developed a Commercial-Off-The-Shelf (COTS) solution for the automated quartermastering of a modern military base.

Analytical Assessment:

Ocado Group possesses a Moderate-High Military Complicity profile. While it does not sell rifles, it has internalized high-end dual-use technologies (FPGA robotics, Swarm algorithms) and integrated its manufacturing with a key node of the Israeli defense-optics base (Jabil Haifa). The risk of “technology transfer” or the repurposing of the OSP for military logistics (“Smart Bases”) is significant.

Named Entities / Evidence Map:

  • Haddington Dynamics: Subsidiary with CAGE codes.2
  • Dexter Arm: FPGA/Haptic robot.2
  • Jabil Inc: Manufacturing partner with Haifa Optics Center.2
  • CAGE Code 7X6W4: Evidence of defense contracting readiness.2

Domain 2: Digital & Technographic Complicity (V-DIG)

Goal: To map Ocado Group’s structural reliance on Israeli software and hardware, and to determine if the company acts as a vector for the proliferation of Israeli surveillance and cybersecurity paradigms.

Evidence & Analysis:

1. The “Unit 8200” Cybersecurity Stack

The audit identifies a “Critical Dependency” on the Israeli cyber-defense sector. Ocado’s platform is not merely protected by these tools; it is architected around them. This creates a “Vendor Lock-in” where Ocado’s operational continuity is dependent on the Israeli security state.

  • CyberArk (Identity Security): Ocado is a confirmed enterprise client of CyberArk.1 Founded by Udi Mokady of the IDF’s Intelligence Corps, CyberArk specializes in Privileged Access Management (PAM). It secures the “keys to the kingdom”—the root access credentials for the entire OSP. By using CyberArk, Ocado has embedded Israeli security logic into the deepest layer of its infrastructure. This represents a financial transfer to a company that secures Israel’s critical national infrastructure.
  • Aqua Security (Cloud Native Protection): Ocado utilizes Aqua Security to protect its containerized applications (Kubernetes/Docker).1 Aqua operates on the “Shift Left” doctrine, integrating security into the code development pipeline. This gives an Israeli firm visibility into Ocado’s proprietary application logic before it is even deployed. In a geopolitical crisis, this dependency constitutes a “Kill Switch” risk; if Aqua withdraws support, Ocado’s cloud security posture collapses.
  • Riskified (Fraud Prevention): The use of Riskified 1 creates a data sovereignty crisis. Riskified’s “Chargeback Guarantee” model requires it to ingest vast amounts of user data—device fingerprints, behavioral biometrics, purchase history—to make approval decisions. This data is processed by algorithms developed in Tel Aviv. Effectively, Ocado is exporting the financial and behavioral data of UK citizens to an Israeli firm for adjudication, normalizing the surveillance-based “anomaly detection” models pioneered by Israeli intelligence.

2. Surveillance Normalization via M&S Joint Venture

Through the Ocado Retail joint venture, the group is actively normalizing military-grade surveillance technologies in the civilian retail sector.

  • Trigo (Computer Vision): M&S and Ocado Retail are deploying Trigo technology for “frictionless checkout” stores.1 Trigo utilizes a ceiling grid of cameras and “Skeletal Tracking” algorithms to create a 3D digital twin of the store and every person in it. This technology is a direct descendant of urban warfare surveillance systems designed to track targets in crowded environments (e.g., Gaza). By deploying it in UK supermarkets, Ocado is sanitizing and normalizing the “Panopticon” surveillance model.
  • Syte (Visual AI): The use of Syte for visual search 1 further entrenches the reliance on Israeli AI. The training datasets for these visual models are often derived from the same pools used to train automated target recognition systems.

3. Hardware Dependency: Intel RealSense

The “eyes” of Ocado’s robotic fleet are Intel RealSense depth cameras.1

  • Haifa Origin: While Intel is US-based, the RealSense technology was fundamentally developed at Intel’s R&D center in Haifa, Israel. The algorithms that allow the camera to perceive depth and filter noise are the product of the Israeli high-tech ecosystem.
  • Operational Criticality: The 600 Series Bot is designed around this specific sensor. Without it, the robot is blind. This creates a hardware-level dependency on Israeli innovation, linking Ocado’s future roadmap to the stability and output of the Haifa tech sector.

Analytical Assessment:

Ocado Group receives a High Digital Complicity score. It functions as a Tier 1 Technographic Collaborator. The company does not just consume these technologies; by bundling them into the OSP and licensing that platform to global retailers (Kroger, AEON, Coles), Ocado acts as a vector for the proliferation of the “Unit 8200 Stack” worldwide.

Named Entities / Evidence Map:

  • CyberArk: Privileged Access Management.1
  • Aqua Security: Container Security.1
  • Riskified: Fraud/Data Processing.1
  • Trigo: Retail Surveillance/Computer Vision.1
  • Intel RealSense: Robotics Vision (Haifa).1

Domain 3: Economic & Supply Chain Complicity (V-ECON)

Goal: To quantify Ocado Group’s direct financial contribution to the Israeli economy and the settlement enterprise via its supply chain, and to analyze the structural integration of settlement aggregators.

Evidence & Analysis:

1. The Aggregator Nexus: Mehadrin and Hadiklaim

The most severe violation of ethical trading standards is Ocado’s systemic integration with the “Big Three” Israeli agricultural aggregators: Mehadrin, Hadiklaim, and Galilee Export. These entities are not neutral commercial actors; they are the logistical backbone of the settlement enterprise.

  • Mehadrin (Dates, Citrus, Avocados): Mehadrin is Israel’s largest grower and exporter. The audit confirms that Ocado sources “Red Grapefruit” and other produce from Mehadrin.3 Mehadrin is extensively documented as operating packing houses and farms in the Jordan Valley (occupied West Bank), utilizing water resources appropriated from Palestinian aquifers by Mekorot.
  • Hadiklaim (The Date Monopoly): The “M&S Collection Medjool Dates” sold on Ocado are supplied by Hadiklaim.3 Hadiklaim is a cooperative that includes growers from the Jordan Valley settlements. Dates are the “conflict diamond” of the Israeli agricultural sector—a high-value cash crop grown almost exclusively on occupied land.
  • Importer of Record (The Direct Link): A critical forensic finding is that Ocado purchases produce via “Mehadrin Wholesale Ltd” (Wembley).3 This is the UK subsidiary of the Israeli parent company. This confirms that Ocado is not buying from a generic third-party wholesaler who happens to stock Israeli goods; they have a direct commercial contract with the settlement-linked entity itself. This establishes a high-proximity financial pipeline.

2. The “Winter Window” Dependency

The UK agricultural sector suffers from a “Hungry Gap” between December and April, particularly for citrus, potatoes, and soft fruits. Ocado has strategically filled this gap with Israeli produce, creating a seasonal dependency.

  • Maris Piper Potatoes: “M&S Maris Piper Potatoes” sourced from Israel during the winter months.3 These are often grown in the Western Negev or using seed potatoes from the Golan Heights.
  • Citrus (Jaffa Brand): The “Jaffa” brand, managed by Mehadrin and Galilee Export, dominates Ocado’s winter citrus shelves. This trade provides crucial foreign currency revenue to Israeli agriculture during its peak export season.

3. The M&S Multiplier and “Brand Israel”

The 2019 Joint Venture with Marks & Spencer 8 fundamentally deepened Ocado’s complicity.

  • Inherited Complicity: Marks & Spencer has maintained a “Zionist sourcing policy” for decades, prioritizing Israeli goods as a form of economic support for the state. By forming the JV, Ocado Retail absorbed this supply chain.
  • Financial Attribution: Ocado Group retains 50% equity in the JV. Therefore, 50% of the profit generated from every box of settlement dates sold flows to Ocado Group shareholders. This is direct beneficiary status.
  • Labeling Obfuscation: The audit noted that products are frequently labeled “Produce of Israel” even when high probability suggests West Bank origin (e.g., dates). This obfuscation denies consumers the right to informed choice and potentially violates UK Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations.3

Analytical Assessment:

Ocado Group receives a High Economic Complicity score. The structural reliance on the “Aggregator Nexus” and the direct contractual relationship with Mehadrin Wholesale Ltd constitute “Material Support” for the settlement economy. The refusal to implement a “No Settlement Goods” policy, unlike competitors such as the Co-op, marks this as a deliberate commercial strategy.

Named Entities / Evidence Map:

  • Mehadrin: Primary Supplier / Settlement Operator.3
  • Hadiklaim: Date Supplier (Jordan Valley).3
  • Galilee Export: Avocado Supplier.3
  • Mehadrin Wholesale Ltd: UK Subsidiary / Importer of Record.3

Domain 4: Political & Ideological Complicity (V-POL)

Goal: To evaluate the ideological alignment of Ocado’s leadership, the company’s strategic “soft power” partnerships, and its geopolitical double standards.

Evidence & Analysis:

1. Leadership Ideology: The Steiner Factor

Founding CEO Tim Steiner is the primary vector of ideological alignment. His actions move beyond personal belief into the realm of political advocacy that impacts corporate culture.

  • JNF Support: Steiner is a confirmed donor to the Jewish National Fund (JNF).4 The JNF is a quasi-state organization that holds 13% of Israel’s land for the exclusive benefit of the Jewish people, systematically blocking Palestinian leaseholding. It is currently active in afforestation projects in the Naqab (Negev) designed to displace Bedouin communities. Support for the JNF is direct financing of discriminatory land policies.
  • CFI Support: Steiner’s financial support for the Conservative Friends of Israel (CFI) 4 aligns the company’s leadership with the primary anti-Palestinian lobby in Westminster. The CFI actively lobbies against BDS and for the protection of trade with settlements.
  • Netanyahu Association: Steiner’s attendance at high-level business forums with Benjamin Netanyahu 4 lends corporate legitimacy to the Israeli government’s economic agenda.

2. “Tech-Washing” via Redefine Meat

Ocado’s partnership with Redefine Meat serves as a textbook example of “Tech-Washing”—using innovation to launder the reputation of a state involved in human rights abuses.

  • Exclusive Launch: Ocado acted as the exclusive UK retail launch partner for Redefine Meat.4 This gave the Israeli firm a critical foothold in the UK market.
  • Normalization: By marketing the product as “sustainable” and “innovative,” Ocado helps project the “Start-Up Nation” narrative, distracting from the reality of the occupation.
  • Gaza Double Down: In January 2025, during the height of the Gaza crisis and famine warnings, Ocado ran a “Veganuary 2025” campaign featuring a 50% discount on Redefine Meat products.5 This aggressive promotion during a humanitarian catastrophe—while Palestinian agricultural infrastructure was being destroyed—demonstrates a profound insensitivity and a commitment to the Israeli partner over humanitarian considerations.

3. The “Safe Harbor” Hypocrisy (Ukraine vs. Gaza)

The most damning evidence of political bias is the stark contrast in crisis response.

  • Ukraine (2022): Following the Russian invasion, Ocado immediately rebranded its “Zoom” delivery service to remove the “Z” logo (which resembled the Russian military insignia) and donated £150,000 to the DEC Ukraine Appeal.4 The company issued statements of solidarity.
  • Gaza (2023-2025): Ocado has taken no action to delist settlement goods (Mehadrin). It has issued no comparable statement of solidarity with Palestinian civilians. Instead, it expanded its partnership with Redefine Meat.15
  • Conclusion: This asymmetry proves that Ocado’s “Human Rights Policy” is selectively applied. The company offers “Safe Harbor” and solidarity to victims of Russian aggression but denies it to victims of Israeli aggression, revealing a systemic ideological bias.

Analytical Assessment:

Ocado Group receives a Very High Political Complicity score. The CEO is a partisan actor financing land appropriation entities (JNF). The company actively facilitates “Brand Israel” propaganda through commercial partnerships and exhibits a flagrant geopolitical double standard that aligns it with the Israeli state narrative.

Named Entities / Evidence Map:

  • Tim Steiner: CEO, JNF/CFI Donor.4
  • Redefine Meat: Tech-washing partner.5
  • Conservative Friends of Israel: Lobby group supported by CEO.4
  • Jewish National Fund: Land appropriation entity supported by CEO.4

5. BDS-1000 Classification

Based on the forensic evidence gathered across the four audits, the following BDS-1000 scoring matrix has been calculated. The scoring methodology accounts for Impact (I), Magnitude (M), and Proximity (P) to generate a weighted assessment of complicity.

BDS-1000 Scoring Matrix – Ocado Group

Domain I M P V-Domain Score
Military (V-MIL) 6.5 3.0 8.5 2.73
Economic (V-ECON) 3.8 6.0 8.0 3.26
Political (V-POL) 6.0 8.0 9.0 6.00
Digital (V-DIG) 3.9 8.0 8.0 3.90

Detailed Scoring Justification

Military (V-MIL): 2.73

  • Impact (6.5): Classified as “Tactical Support Components.” The Haddington “Dexter” arm, with its FPGA architecture and EOD-relevant haptics, represents a direct military capability. The retention of CAGE codes confirms the intent to maintain this capability.
  • Magnitude (3.0): Classified as “Non-Strategic Scale.” While the capability exists, Haddington is a small subsidiary ($25m acquisition) relative to the group’s total revenue. It is not currently mass-producing weapons for the IDF, which limits the magnitude score.
  • Proximity (8.5): Classified as “Controller/Owner.” Ocado owns Haddington Dynamics 100%. This is the highest level of proximity; it is an internal asset, not a third-party vendor.

Economic (V-ECON): 3.26

  • Impact (3.8): Classified as “Sustained Trade.” The sourcing from Mehadrin and Hadiklaim constitutes direct economic sustainment of the settlement enterprise. The score is capped below 4.0 because Ocado does not have direct FDI (factories) inside the settlements, only supply contracts.
  • Magnitude (6.0): Classified as “Significant Scale.” The “Winter Window” creates a heavy seasonal reliance on Israeli produce, involving millions of pounds in revenue flow.
  • Proximity (8.0): Classified as “Strategic Partner.” The use of Mehadrin Wholesale Ltd as the Importer of Record establishes a direct contractual link to the settlement entity, bypassing the insulation of generic wholesalers.

Political (V-POL): 6.00

  • Impact (6.0): Classified as “Ideological Actor.” The CEO’s support for the JNF/CFI and the company’s “Tech-Washing” via Redefine Meat define the corporate ethos. The “Safe Harbor” failure confirms systemic bias.
  • Magnitude (8.0): Classified as “Systemic Importance.” The CEO is the founder and primary shaper of corporate culture. The Redefine Meat partnership was an exclusive national launch, giving it high visibility.
  • Proximity (9.0): Classified as “Direct Operator.” The CEO is the architect of this alignment. The decisions (rebranding Zoom, promoting Redefine Meat) are taken at the executive level.

Digital (V-DIG): 3.90

  • Impact (3.9): Classified as “Dual-Use Procurement (Capped).” Under BDS-1000 methodology, companies that are customers of Israeli tech (buying CyberArk) rather than sellers to the Israeli military are capped at 3.9. Ocado buys and integrates; it does not currently sell OSP to the IMOD.
  • Magnitude (8.0): Classified as “Critical Dependency.” The OSP cannot function securely without the “Unit 8200 Stack.” The operational resilience of the company is mortgaged to these vendors.
  • Proximity (8.0): Classified as “Direct Vendor.” Ocado has enterprise-level contracts with these firms.

Final Composite Score Calculation

Using the OR-dominant formula with a side boost:

  1. Identify Max Domain: $V_{MAX} = 6.00 \text{ (V-POL)}$
  2. Sum of Others: $Sum_{OTHERS} = 2.73 + 3.26 + 3.90 = 9.89$
  3. Apply Formula:$$BRS_{Score} = ((V_{MAX} + (Sum_{OTHERS} \times 0.2)) / 16) \times 1000$$
    $$BRS_{Score} = ((6.00 + (9.89 \times 0.2)) / 16) \times 1000$$
    $$BRS_{Score} = ((6.00 + 1.978) / 16) \times 1000$$
    $$BRS_{Score} = (7.978 / 16) \times 1000$$
    $$BRS_{Score} = 0.4986 \times 1000$$

    Final Score: 499

Grade Classification

Tier: Tier C (400–599): High Complicity

Justification Summary:

Ocado Group falls into Tier C primarily due to its Political and Digital entanglements. It acts as a “High Ideological Actor” through its leadership’s support for Zionist causes and its commercial normalization of Israeli “Food-Tech.” While it stops short of being a direct Tier A/B military supplier (it does not sell weapons), the retention of defense capabilities (CAGE codes), the critical dependency on Israeli cyber-tech, and the structural integration of settlement agriculture via the M&S JV push it firmly into the “High Complicity” bracket. The company is a key node in the normalization of the Israeli economy within the UK.

6. Recommended Action(s)

In light of the Tier C classification and the specific forensic findings, the following actions are recommended for civil society organizations, institutional investors, and regulatory bodies.

1. Targeted Consumer Boycott (Ocado Retail)

  • Target Products: The boycott should focus on “M&S Collection” Medjool Dates, Fresh Herbs, and “Jaffa” Citrus sold on Ocado.com. These are the high-risk settlement products.
  • Redefine Meat: A specific boycott of the Redefine Meat range is recommended. As the exclusive launch partner, Ocado is uniquely vulnerable to consumer pushback on this brand.
  • Consumer Action: Customers should file complaints demanding the de-listing of Mehadrin and Hadiklaim. Citing the “Safe Harbor” discrepancy (Ukraine vs. Gaza) is a powerful rhetorical tool to highlight corporate hypocrisy.

2. Institutional Divestment & Shareholder Activism

  • Governance Challenge: Shareholders should raise questions at the Annual General Meeting (AGM) regarding Tim Steiner’s support for the JNF. Does the Board consider it appropriate for the CEO to fund an organization involved in discriminatory land practices?
  • Defense Risk Inquiry: Investors should question the Board regarding the retention of CAGE codes by Haddington Dynamics. Why is a “grocery company” maintaining US defense contractor registration? This poses an undisclosed ESG and reputational risk.
  • Divestment: Ethical funds should divest from Ocado Group due to its failure to conduct Human Rights Due Diligence on its supply chain (Mehadrin) and its violation of the UN Guiding Principles regarding trade with illegal settlements.

3. Regulatory Enforcement (DEFRA / Trading Standards)

  • Labeling Compliance: Submit formal complaints to UK Trading Standards regarding the mislabeling of settlement dates as “Produce of Israel” (rather than “West Bank”). The audit confirms Ocado sourcing from Hadiklaim (Jordan Valley), making the “Israel” label legally contestable under Consumer Protection regulations.

4. Public Exposure Campaign (“The Unit 8200 Stack”)

  • De-Mystification: Launch a campaign exposing the “Unit 8200” roots of the Ocado Smart Platform. Highlighting that Ocado’s “Magic” is powered by Israeli military-grade surveillance (Trigo) and security (CyberArk) helps to de-mystify the brand and link it to the global surveillance state.

5. Supply Chain Monitoring (The Jabil Red Line)

  • The Red Line: Monitor the Jabil Inc. partnership closely. Any evidence of the 600 Series Bot production lines shifting physically to the Jabil Haifa facility would represent a deepening of complicity, potentially moving Ocado into Tier B (Severe Complicity) as a direct participant in the Israeli defense industrial base.

Works cited

  1. Ocado Digital Audit
  2. Ocado Military Audit
  3. Ocado Economic Audit
  4. Ocado Political Audit
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