John Lewis Military Audit

1. Introduction and Operational Framework

1.1 Objective and Scope of Inquiry

This forensic audit was commissioned to evaluate the John Lewis Partnership (JLP)—encompassing John Lewis & Partners and Waitrose & Partners—regarding its material and ideological integration into the economic and military systems of the State of Israel. The objective is not merely to catalogue products of Israeli origin, but to conduct a rigorous defense logistics analysis. This involves mapping the supply chain nodes, financial flows, and technological dependencies that link a UK-based retailer to the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD), the occupation of the Palestinian Territories (OPT), and the broader military-industrial complex.

The audit distinguishes between Meaningful Complicity—defined as direct contracting, the procurement of goods from illegal settlements, the adoption of dual-use military technology, or significant capital investment in defense entities—and Incidental Association, which refers to the unavoidable interactions inherent in a globalized economy. The scope includes an examination of agricultural procurement, digital infrastructure, pension fund asset allocation, and corporate governance responses to international humanitarian law violations.

1.2 Methodology: Defense Logistics Forensics

The analysis utilizes a Defense Logistics methodology, viewing JLP not as a passive commercial entity but as a procurement node within a contested geopolitical landscape. This framework assesses three critical layers of sustainment:

1. The Physical Layer: The movement of goods (agricultural and industrial) that provide economic viability to settlements and the Israeli state.
2. The Digital Layer: The integration of software and cybersecurity infrastructure derived from military intelligence units (e.g., Unit 8200), creating a dependency on the Israeli defense sector.
3. The Financial Layer: The deployment of employee capital (pensions) into equities that fund the manufacturing of lethal aid or the infrastructure of occupation.

1.3 Corporate Structure and Constitutional Context

The John Lewis Partnership is the UK’s largest employee-owned business, governed by a Constitution that mandates “honesty, fairness, courtesy and promptness” and a commitment to “addressing the human rights of those who help make and sell our products”.¹ This unique structure creates a specific vulnerability: unlike a standard PLC where fiduciary duty to shareholders reigns supreme, JLP’s “industrial democracy” implies a higher ethical baseline. The dissonance between this constitutional mandate and the forensic realities of the supply chain forms a core component of this complicity assessment.

2. The Agricultural Sustainment Vector: Settlement Viability and Land Appropriation

The most tangible form of complicity identified is the procurement and sale of agricultural goods produced in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (West Bank) and the occupied Syrian Golan Heights. This trade is not strictly commercial; it is a geopolitical instrument used by the State of Israel to normalize its territorial claims and sustain the economic viability of illegal settlements.

2.1 The Strategic Geography of Dates: A Case Study in Obfuscation

The global trade in Medjool dates is dominated by Israeli production, primarily located in the Jordan Valley—a strip of the West Bank under full Israeli military control (Area C) and subject to documented apartheid practices regarding water access and labor rights.⁴

2.1.1 The Hadiklaim Cooperative Nexus

Waitrose & Partners maintains a significant procurement relationship with Hadiklaim, the Israel Date Growers’ Cooperative.⁴ Hadiklaim is not a monolithic corporate entity but a cooperative that aggregates produce from growers across Israel and the occupied territories.

• Settlement Integration: Hadiklaim’s membership includes growers from illegal settlements in the Jordan Valley, including Beit Ha’Arava, Tomer, Massua, and Yafit.⁵
• The Pooling Mechanism: As a cooperative, revenues are pooled and distributed among members. Consequently, when Waitrose purchases dates from Hadiklaim—even if a specific shipment is sourced from a farm inside the Green Line—the financial transaction cross-subsidizes the infrastructure and economic viability of the settlement plantations. This structure renders the distinction between “Settlement” and “Israel Proper” financially moot within the cooperative framework.⁶
• Brand Portfolios: Hadiklaim markets under various brands, including King Solomon, Jordan River, and supermarket own-labels. The audit identifies that Waitrose’s own-brand dates are likely sourced through this nexus, thereby integrating settlement economics into the Partnership’s core revenue streams.⁴

2.1.2 The “Ardom” Shell Game and Kibbutz Yahel

A critical finding of this audit is the specific listing of “Ardom Dates” in the JLP Factory List, located at “Hevel Eilot” and “Kibbutz Yahel”.³ This entry requires detailed forensic deconstruction.

• Geographic Deception: Kibbutz Yahel is located in the Arava region, geographically within the internationally recognized borders of Israel (pre-1967 Green Line).⁸ By listing this location, JLP can technically claim it sources from “Israel” and not the West Bank.
• The Operational Reality: Ardom is a corporate entity that manages date packing for the region, but it is also a major shareholder in Hadiklaim.⁹ Ardom acts as a logistical funnel. The “Ardom” packing house may process dates from the broader cooperative network or act as a financial conduit for the marketing arm (Hadiklaim) that sustains the settlement economy.⁹
• The Laundering Effect: This arrangement functions as a supply chain laundering mechanism. It allows the retailer to present a “clean” factory location in transparency documents while the supplier entity (Ardom/Hadiklaim) remains structurally embedded in the occupation. Reports indicate that Hadiklaim has historically shipped dates from the Jordan Valley labeled as “Produce of Palestine” or obfuscated origins to bypass European objections.⁴

2.1.3 Labor Exploitation and Child Labor Risks

The date industry in the Jordan Valley is notorious for labor abuses. Palestinian laborers, often with no other economic options due to the strangulation of the local economy, are employed in settlement plantations. Reports have documented the use of child labor and hazardous working conditions, such as hoisting workers into palm trees for hours without safety equipment.⁶ JLP’s continued sourcing from this sector, despite its “Responsible Sourcing Code of Practice” ³, represents a failure of due diligence regarding human rights risks in conflict zones.

2.2 Viticulture as Annexation: The Golan Heights Case

Waitrose & Partners actively stocks and markets wines from the Golan Heights Winery, specifically under the Yarden, Gamla, and Mount Hermon labels.¹¹ This constitutes a high level of ideological and material complicity.

• Geopolitical Context: The Golan Heights is Syrian territory occupied by Israel since 1967 and illegally annexed in 1981—a move condemned by UN Security Council Resolution 497 and not recognized by the UK government.
• Operational Complicity: The Golan Heights Winery is based in the industrial zone of Katzrin, an illegal settlement built on the ruins of Syrian villages. The winery is owned by a consortium of four kibbutzim and four moshavim (settlements) in the Golan.
• The Narrative of Normalization: The brand Yarden (Hebrew for Jordan River) and the use of ancient Israeli symbology (oil lamps) on labels are part of a calculated narrative strategy to legitimize the Jewish historical claim to the occupied territory.¹¹ By stocking these products, Waitrose actively participates in the “normalization” of the annexation, treating settlement goods as legitimate “Products of Israel” or distinct “Golan Heights” products without adequate warnings regarding their illegality under international law.¹⁴
• Economic Impact: The winery is a primary economic engine for the Golan settlements. JLP’s procurement directly subsidizes the water infrastructure, security, and expansion of these communities.¹³

2.3 Fresh Produce and Hydro-Hegemony

The audit identifies Mehadrin and Edom as key suppliers of avocados, citrus, and herbs to the John Lewis Partnership.¹⁰

• Mehadrin: As Israel’s largest grower and exporter, Mehadrin operates extensive agriculture on state land, including areas within the OPT. The company is a primary beneficiary of Israel’s water management policies, which systematically divert water resources from Palestinian aquifers to Israeli industrial agriculture.⁶
• Edom UK: Waitrose sources via Edom UK. Investigations have previously found Edom packing houses in the settlement of Tomer processing produce labeled as “Israel.” While Edom has issued denials and JLP relies on paper trails, the structural risk of mislabeling remains critically high due to the integrated nature of Israeli agricultural logistics.¹⁰
• Labeling as a Shield: JLP relies heavily on the “transparency” defense, arguing that labeling goods as “West Bank” allows customer choice.¹⁶ This approach effectively recognizes settlement produce as a legitimate market commodity, shifting the moral burden to the consumer. It fails to address the underlying issue that the production of the good constitutes a violation of international law (pillage of occupied resources) under the Geneva Conventions.

3. The Technological Sustainment Vector: The Digital Military-Industrial Complex

While agricultural complicity is visible on the shelves, JLP’s integration with the Israeli military-industrial complex occurs in the server room. This vector is arguably more strategic, as it involves the transfer of high-value capital and data to firms that form the backbone of Israel’s defense capabilities. The audit reveals a deep reliance on “dual-use” technologies developed by alumni of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) intelligence units, particularly Unit 8200.

3.1 Network Security: Check Point Software Technologies

JLP utilizes Check Point for network security and threat prevention.¹⁷

• The Unit 8200 Connection: Founded by Gil Shwed, a veteran of Unit 8200 (Signals Intelligence), Check Point is the “founding father” of the Israeli cyber-defense sector.
• Strategic Symbiosis: Check Point supplies the IDF with critical firewall and cybersecurity infrastructure. The company’s growth is inextricably linked to the IDF’s operational requirements. The technologies developed to secure military networks are commercialized and sold to civilian entities like JLP.
• Complicity Assessment: By licensing Check Point software, JLP is not merely purchasing a utility; it is funding the R&D budget of a company that secures the Israeli military network. This represents a form of “dual-use” supply chain integration where civilian revenue sustains military capabilities.¹⁷

3.2 Surveillance Capitalism: NICE Systems

JLP employs NICE Systems for customer interaction analytics and workforce optimization in its contact centers.¹⁸

• Origins in Interception: NICE (Neptune Intelligence Computer Engineering) was founded by former IDF intelligence officers. The company has a long history of selling “lawful interception” and surveillance tools to intelligence agencies globally.
• Dual-Use Technology: While NICE spun off its direct intelligence division (to Elbit Systems), the core technologies—voice biometrics, sentiment analysis, and data mining—share a common lineage with military surveillance tools.
• Operational Integration: JLP processes millions of UK customer interactions through systems designed by architects of military surveillance. This integration normalizes the use of military-grade analytics in the civilian consumer sphere.¹⁹

3.3 Algorithmic Warfare & Commerce: Riskified and Forter

The retail sector’s war on fraud has led JLP to partner with Israeli “RiskTech” firms Riskified and Forter.²⁰

• The Intelligence Pipeline: Both companies highlight their founders’ backgrounds in IDF intelligence units as a credential for their superior algorithmic capabilities. Forter was founded by Liron Damri and Michael Reitblat, both ex-intelligence.²²
• Methodological Complicity: These platforms utilize AI and behavioral analysis to detect fraud. The underlying algorithms are derivatives of threat detection and pattern recognition systems used in security contexts to monitor occupied populations. JLP’s use of these vendors validates and funds the “Start-up Nation” model, which acts as the economic engine for the Israeli state and its military apparatus.²¹

3.4 Infrastructure: The Google Cloud Partnership

JLP announced a £100m strategic partnership with Google Cloud.²³

• Project Nimbus: Google (along with Amazon) is a signatory to “Project Nimbus,” a $1.2 billion contract to provide cloud services to the Israeli government and military.
• Tertiary Complicity: While JLP’s contract is for retail operations, its massive investment in the Google Cloud ecosystem indirectly supports Google’s viability and infrastructure investment in Israel. This is relevant in the context of the “No Tech For Apartheid” campaign, which targets Google for providing the digital infrastructure that enables the Israeli government’s surveillance and control mechanisms.²³

4. The Financial Sustainment Vector: Pension Fund Capital Allocation

The John Lewis Partnership Trust for Pensions manages billions in assets. The audit reveals that despite the “Partnership” ethos, the fund’s capital allocation strategies align with standard industry practices that ignore specific human rights violations in Palestine, effectively making every Partner a passive investor in the occupation.

4.1 Asset Management and Lack of Negative Screening

The Pension Trust delegates investment management to firms like Legal & General Investment Management (LGIM) and BlackRock.²⁴

• Passive Index Tracking: The default funds (e.g., JLP Global Equity Fund) typically track indices like the MSCI World. Consequently, they hold shares in all major listed companies unless explicitly excluded.
• The Exclusion Gap: Unlike the Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund or KLP, which have divested from companies like Motorola Solutions (surveillance in settlements) and banks financing settlement construction, the JLP Pension Trust has not enacted such specific exclusions.²⁷ Freedom of Information requests suggest a lack of policy regarding “indiscriminate weapons” beyond statutory requirements (e.g., cluster munitions), leaving conventional arms manufacturers in the portfolio.³⁰

4.2 Portfolio Contamination: The UN List and Arms Trade

Based on the indices tracked, the pension fund maintains holdings in entities identified by the UN Human Rights Council as complicit in the occupation, as well as global defense primes.

Table 1: Representative Complicit Holdings in JLP Pension Indices

• Assessment: The Trustee’s reliance on “engagement” rather than “divestment” has yielded no tangible change in the behavior of these portfolio companies regarding Israel. Consequently, JLP Partners’ deferred wages are capitalized in the machinery of occupation.³²

5. Logistics and Third-Party Infrastructure

JLP has outsourced significant portions of its logistics to GXO Logistics and XPO Logistics.³⁴

5.1 The Defense-Logistics Overlap

• Global Footprint: GXO and XPO are massive multinational logistics providers. While the JLP contract is specifically for grocery distribution (Magna Park, Milton Keynes), these logistics giants have separate divisions that service military supply chains globally.
• Assessment: The complicity here is categorized as Incidental Association. There is no evidence in the provided material that GXO’s specific operations for Waitrose utilize Israeli military technology or directly service the IDF logistics network. However, the reliance on these massive integrators highlights the difficulty of untangling civilian commerce from military logistics in a globalized economy.³⁴

5.2 SodaStream: A Study in Displacement

While John Lewis ceased stocking SodaStream in some capacities following intense protests in 2014, the audit indicates a re-engagement.

• Current Status: SodaStream products (machines and syrups) are currently available for purchase on the Waitrose e-commerce platform.³⁶
• Supply Chain Shift: SodaStream moved its primary factory from Mishor Adumim (West Bank) to the Negev (inside Green Line) following BDS pressure.
• The Prawer Plan Connection: The relocation to the Idan HaNegev industrial park is implicated in the displacement of Bedouin communities (Prawer Plan) to facilitate such industrial zones. The resumption of sales indicates JLP accepts the “Green Line” distinction as the sole determinant of ethical sourcing, ignoring the broader context of land appropriation and displacement within Israel proper.³⁹

6. Corporate Governance and Ethical Dissonance

6.1 The “Neutrality” Doctrine

JLP leadership has historically adopted a posture of commercial neutrality, arguing that in the absence of government sanctions, trade should continue. This was evident in the correspondence regarding Ahava and SodaStream, where management deferred to DEFRA (Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs) guidelines rather than conducting an independent ethical assessment.⁴⁰

• Outsourcing Ethics: This doctrine effectively outsources ethical judgment to the UK state, which maintains strategic military and trade ties with Israel. Consequently, JLP’s “neutrality” functions as tacit support for the status quo of occupation.

6.2 The Transparency Defense

JLP relies on the argument that “we label goods from the West Bank so customers can choose”.¹⁶

• Moral Hazard: This approach commodifies the occupation. It implies that the purchase of goods produced via the pillage of occupied resources is a valid consumer choice, comparable to choosing between organic and non-organic. It fails to recognize the illegality of the production act itself.
• Labeling Evasion: Despite these claims, the audit highlights the structural difficulties in ensuring accurate labeling due to the integration of settlement produce into the Israeli national grid (e.g., mixed dates in Hadiklaim), rendering the transparency defense operationally flawed.¹⁰

7. Comparative Analysis: “Meaningful” vs. “Incidental” Complicity

To provide a rigorous assessment, we categorize the findings based on the level of material support and strategic integration.

Table 2: Risk Assessment of Identified Vectors

8. Conclusion and Strategic Outlook

The forensic audit concludes that the John Lewis Partnership maintains material complicity in the Israeli occupation, primarily through two distinct and high-risk vectors: agricultural procurement from settlements and technological dependency on the Israeli security sector.

While JLP avoids the “primary” complicity of manufacturing weapons, its role as a high-volume retailer of settlement goods (Dates, Wine) makes it a significant economic enabler of the settlement enterprise. The “Ardom” arrangement suggests a sophisticated attempt to sanitize the supply chain rather than ethically cleanse it. Furthermore, the Partnership’s rapid digital transformation has inextricably linked its operational security to the Israeli defense establishment through vendors like Check Point and NICE.

Strategic Implications:

The “civilian” nature of JLP’s business camouflages the strategic depth of these relationships. In a scenario of heightened sanctions or supply chain blockades targeting the Israeli economy, JLP would face significant operational disruption due to its tech dependencies. Ideologically, the Partnership’s claim to a “happier world” is contradicted by its supply chain’s footprint in the Jordan Valley and the Golan Heights.

8.1 Recommendations for Ethical De-Risking

1. Immediate Cessation of Settlement Goods: Remove all products from Golan Heights Winery and terminate contracts with Hadiklaim/Ardom until full traceability excludes Jordan Valley settlement produce.
2. Tech Vendor Review: Conduct a human rights impact assessment on all software vendors with origins in military intelligence units (Check Point, NICE, Forter) to determine data sovereignty risks and ethical alignment.
3. Pension Divestment: The Pension Trustee should instruct investment managers to adopt the “UN Human Rights Council Business Enterprises” exclusion list, divesting from entities explicitly facilitating the occupation.
4. Transparent Labeling: Abandon the reliance on generic “West Bank” labels which conflate Palestinian and Settlement produce; implement “Settlement Produce” labeling as per the strictest interpretation of DEFRA and EU guidelines to allow genuine consumer choice.

End of Forensic Audit Report

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