G4S MILITARY

Direct Defence Contracting & Procurement

No public evidence identified of a direct contractual relationship between G4S plc (post-divestment) and Israel’s Ministry of Defence, IDF, Israel Prison Service, or Israel Border Police after 2017, as G4S plc sold its Israeli subsidiary in full by June 2017 ^{1, 2}. Prior to divestment, G4S Israel (then a G4S plc subsidiary, formerly Hashmira) supplied computerized control and monitoring systems, entrance and visitation control systems, control rooms with touch screens, internal and external CCTV monitoring and recording systems, optic fibre communication lines, fire and smoke detection systems, and metal detector gates to Israeli prisons ^{3, 4}. This relationship was discontinued as a G4S plc matter following the 2016–2017 sale and continued instead under the successor entity, G1 Secure Solutions Ltd ⁵. G1 Secure Solutions (formerly G4S Israel, TASE ticker GOSS, majority-owned by FIMI Opportunity Funds since 2016/2017) documented 2016 prison contracts totaling NIS 11,543,885 for integrated management systems, CCTV, and security infrastructure at Israeli Prison Service facilities, as well as contracts with the Israeli Ministry of Defense and Air Force for security systems, and with the Population and Immigration Authority (NIS 9,123,095, 2010–2018) ⁶. G1 is legally and financially independent of G4S plc since 2017 and is not a current G4S subsidiary ⁵. G4S plc retained a 25% minority equity stake in Policity, a joint venture with Shikun & Binui operating Israel’s National Police Academy under a 20-year contract to 2035, following the 2016–2017 sale ^{7, 6}. In May/June 2023, G4S (by then owned by Allied Universal) announced an agreement to sell this residual Policity stake to G1 Secure Solutions ^{8, 9, 10}. No public evidence identified confirming the completion date of the Policity divestiture, meaning Allied Universal/G4S may have retained a beneficial minority interest in an Israeli Ministry of Public Security-linked police-training infrastructure asset spanning the period of the 7 October 2023 war and its aftermath ¹⁰. Who Profits’ company file further records that the Israeli entity provided security systems to the Israeli armoured corps base of Nachshonim, and served the Israeli Ministry of Defense and the Israeli Air Force, including the IMOD complex known as “Hakirya” in Tel Aviv ⁶. The same file records that the entity supplied equipment to the headquarters of the Israeli police in the West Bank - the Judea and Samaria Police Headquarters, “Machoz Shai” - located in the contested E-1 area next to the Ma’ale Adumim settlement ⁶. On the start date of the Israel Prison Service relationship, LPHR’s research places the technological department’s IPS contract at July 2007 ¹¹, while Who Profits separately records that the company has been supplying the IPS with ankle monitors since 2005 ⁶; the two dates refer to different contract lines rather than a single disputed date. Under the successor entity, a 2022 contract with the IPS for baggage-systems maintenance ran for three years at NIS 2,120,826 ⁶, and a 2020 contract with Ariel University in the Ariel settlement for small maintenance-work services ran for three years with an option to extend to a total of five ⁶. No public evidence identified of G4S plc or G1 Secure Solutions appearing in SIBAT (Israel’s Defence Export & Defence Cooperation Directorate) defence export directory listings.

Dual-Use Products & Tactical Variants

G1 Secure Solutions is documented as the exclusive Israeli representative/distributor of OSI Systems’ subsidiary Rapiscan, a US-manufactured X-ray/scanning equipment line ^{6, 12, 7}. From 2008–2017, spanning both the G4S-plc-owned period and the subsequent G1 period, the company held a contract with the Israeli Civil Administration for nine Rapiscan metal gates installed at Israeli Civil Administration checkpoints ⁶. As successor, G1 has supplied Rapiscan scanners to at least three military checkpoints in the occupied West Bank and to the entrance of the Western Wall area in occupied East Jerusalem ⁷. Systems for checking persons manufactured by Safeview (USA), described as “first of their kind,” were installed at the Erez checkpoint (Gaza) under the G4S-Israel-era contract ³. No public evidence identified distinguishing a “civilian” versus “military-specified” product variant for these scanning systems; available reporting treats the Rapiscan/Safeview units supplied to checkpoints as the same commercial product line sold to Israeli state security end-users via the exclusive distributorship, rather than a separately engineered military variant. In 2017 the Israeli Civil Administration contract for the nine Rapiscan metal gates was renewed until 30 April 2018 ⁶. Contemporaneous reporting based on a July 2012 Israeli Defence Ministry Freedom of Information Act response obtained by Who Profits records the Ministry stating that “G4S is one of the companies that provides inspection [services] and scanning equipment to all the Israeli checkpoints along the separation wall [in the West Bank]” ¹³. The same reporting identifies Rapiscan (USA) luggage-scanning machines deployed at Seam Zone crossings including Qalandiya, Bethlehem and Sha’ar Efraim (Irtah), and Safeview (USA) body-scanning systems installed at the Erez checkpoint into Gaza ^{13, 4}. No public evidence identified of export licence applications or end-user certificates specific to G4S/G1’s Rapiscan distribution arrangement.

Heavy Machinery, Construction & Infrastructure

G4S Israel, during the G4S-plc-owned period, installed peripheral defense/perimeter systems on the walls surrounding Ofer “security” prison in the occupied West Bank and operated the central control room for the entire Ofer compound, which also houses a military court ^{3, 4}. G4S Israel equipped Ketziot and Megiddo “security” prisons with entire security systems, including the central control room for Megiddo, described in reporting as holding “over 1,200 security prisoners” ^{3, 4}. Contemporaneous reporting recorded that Israel’s Ministry of Defence, responding to a freedom-of-information request in July 2012, confirmed that G4S supplied equipment to the separation barrier infrastructure; the confirmation came from the Ministry rather than from G4S itself ^{13, 14}. LPHR’s research tabulates the Israeli Prison Service facilities at which the company installed computerized control and monitoring systems, entrance and visitation control systems, touch-screen control rooms and internal and external CCTV: Ofer (occupied West Bank), Ketziot, Megiddo, Damon, Rimonim, Kishon/Jalameh, and the Jerusalem facility known as the “Russian Compound” ¹¹. Contemporaneous reporting adds that the company provided security services to the Damon prison, to the detention and interrogation facilities of Abu Kabir in Jaffa, to the “Russian Compound” in Jerusalem and to the “Al-Jalameh” (Kishon) detention centre in Haifa ⁴. On the Policity project, trade reporting at financial close recorded a total project cost of NIS 2 billion, with NIS 725 million of financing raised through Israel Discount Bank (NIS 475 million) and Harel Insurance Investments and Financial Services (NIS 250 million) over a 21-year repayment term; the National Police Academy comprises approximately 42,000 m² of buildings on a 230-dunam site at Beit Shemesh, inside Israel’s pre-1967 territory rather than in the occupied West Bank, built by Shikun u’Binui Solel Boneh Building and Infrastructure Ltd at a cost of NIS 600 million, with Shikun u’Binui and G4S then owning the project company in equal shares under a build-operate-transfer arrangement described in that reporting as running 25 years before transfer ¹⁵. Sources describe G4S/G1 as the direct contracted supplier and installer for prison control-room and CCTV systems, and separately as the exclusive distributor for Rapiscan scanning hardware into Israeli checkpoint end-users ^{6, 12}. No public evidence identified of a documented company end-use-monitoring policy specific to Israel/OPT beyond the general 2024 Global Human Rights Policy, whose Israel/Palestine-specific content was not confirmed in the underlying research ¹⁶.

Supply Chain Integration with Defence Primes

No public evidence identified of G4S or G1 Secure Solutions supplying components, sub-systems, or manufacturing services to Elbit Systems, IAI, Rafael, or IMI.

Logistical Sustainment & Base Services

G1 Secure Solutions provides security services (personnel and equipment) to businesses in at least seven Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and maintains a presence in the industrial zones at Mishor Adumim, Atarot, and Barkan ^{6, 7}. G1 provides CCTV systems for the Israeli Ministry of Public Security’s “Safe City” project, a surveillance initiative implemented across dozens of illegal Israeli settlements in the West Bank ^{6, 7}. Named settlements specifically identified in connection with G4S/G1 activity include Modi’in Illit, Ma’ale Adumim, Kalia, and Ariel, along with servicing of Ariel University, located in the Ariel settlement ⁶. G1 reportedly serviced a Mekorot water installation in the occupied Jordan Valley ⁷. The settlement-industrial-zone footprint is partly inherited: after purchasing the Israeli security firm Aminut Moked Artzi, the company took over its entire business operations, including security services to businesses in the Barkan industrial zone in the occupied West Bank ⁶. Responding to the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre following December 2010 reporting on its Israeli operations, G4S stated that it continued “to serve major commercial customers, for instance supermarket chains, whose operations include the West Bank” ¹⁷. No public evidence identified of catering, fuel, or waste-management contracts to IDF bases specifically, distinct from the prison, checkpoint, and settlement security services already documented. No public evidence identified of shipping, freight-forwarding, or port-handling contracts servicing Israeli military cargo or arms shipments.

Munitions, Weapons Systems & Strategic Platforms

No public evidence identified of G4S or G1 acting as a manufacturer or supplier of lethal systems, munitions, or strategic defence platforms such as Iron Dome, David’s Sling, Arrow, fighter aircraft, tanks, or warships. G4S/G1’s documented role throughout is limited to security services, access-control and surveillance systems, and scanning-equipment distribution, not weapons manufacturing ^{6, 3, 7}.

Export Licensing, Regulatory & Legal History

No public evidence identified of a specific export-licence grant, denial, or suspension decision naming G4S or G1 by any export-control authority. A UN agency in Jordan terminated its contract with G4S on 24 April 2020, citing human rights abuse concerns, per a compiled allegation/response record from the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre ¹⁸. In 2022, G4S was named in research on migration-surveillance technology supply to MENA governments, with allegations concerning equipment/services linked to Israeli military checkpoints; G4S submitted a company response dated 22 August 2022 ¹⁸. Lawyers for Palestinian Human Rights filed a complaint against G4S with the UK OECD National Contact Point; the NCP published its initial assessment on 2 June 2014, its Final Statement on 9 June 2015, and a Follow-Up Statement on 7 July 2016 ¹⁹. In the Final Statement the NCP found that G4S’s actions were not consistent with its obligation under Chapter IV, paragraph 3 of the OECD Guidelines to seek to address impacts to which it is linked by a business relationship, and made recommendations on human rights due diligence, while also stating that it did not find a broad failure by G4S to respect the human rights of the people on whose behalf the complaint was brought ²⁰. No public evidence identified of court proceedings or judicial review specifically challenging G4S’s or G1’s Israel-related defence/security supply relationship.

Civil Society Scrutiny & Documented Investigations

Who Profits first exposed G4S’s complicity in the Israeli occupation in 2010, testifying at the Russell Tribunal on Palestine, and has since maintained ongoing monitoring of both G4S (pre-2017) and G1 Secure Solutions (post-2017) ^{6, 3}. The BDS Movement’s “STOP G4S” campaign, running from approximately 2011 through the 2016–2017 divestment, cited G4S’s role in Israeli prisons, checkpoints, and settlements as grounds for boycott; the campaign claims credit for G4S’s exit, which G4S publicly denied was BDS-driven, attributing the sale instead to a broader “portfolio management programme” begun in 2013 under which 65 businesses worth £1.6bn were sold or earmarked for sale ^{21, 2, 22, 23}. Multiple institutions - including cities, universities, churches, unions, and the European Parliament - reportedly dropped G4S as a security contractor following the Russell Tribunal-triggered campaign, and a North Carolina county was reported to be moving to drop its G4S contract in 2014 ⁶. LPHR’s 2019 research found that G1 Secure Solutions “continues to provide equipment and services to Israeli authorities for use in the occupied Palestinian territory” post-divestment, and assessed that FIMI Opportunity Funds, G1’s controlling shareholder, “failed to carry out adequate human rights due diligence” in respect of the newly acquired subsidiary’s activities ⁵. In 2023, trade unions, BDS campaigners, and the American Friends Service Committee pressured Caisse de Dépôt et Placement du Québec (CDPQ) - Allied Universal’s (G4S’s post-2021 parent) largest institutional shareholder - to use its influence to force the Policity stake sale, which was subsequently announced in June 2023 ^{10, 9}. G4S plc issued a “Global Human Rights Policy,” most recently dated 2024, though its specific Israel/Palestine content was not verified in the underlying research ¹⁶. G4S’s public statements at the time of divestment in 2016 explicitly denied the sale was a response to BDS pressure, framing it instead as commercial portfolio rationalization ^{21, 2}. Additional continuing civil-society documentation of the G4S/G1 relationship to Israeli prisons, checkpoints, and the separation barrier appears across Electronic Intifada, openDemocracy, Danwatch, Global Research, and Jews for Justice for Palestinians reporting ^{24, 25, 26, 13, 14, 27}. G4S’s May 2016 and June 2017 corporate statements on the Israel sale, and LPHR’s welcome of the completed sale as consistent with G4S’s business and human rights responsibilities, are also part of the documented record ^{22, 1, 28}. G4S was separately named in a 2022 Business & Human Rights Resource Centre allegation entry concerning links to alleged rights abuse at Israeli military checkpoints, with an accompanying company response ¹⁸. Campaign Against Arms Trade lists G4S under the “Security” category of its inventory of Israel’s arms suppliers, with the entry stating that its security systems are used in Israeli prisons; the inventory page carries a last-updated date of 10 September 2025 ²⁹. Separately, the Israeli subsidiary appears in the UN Global Compact participant register as “G4S Israel - Hashmira Company Ltd,” a participant based in Israel that joined on 27 September 2010 and is now shown as delisted following a participant-requested withdrawal ³⁰. No public evidence identified of G4S or G1 Secure Solutions being specifically named in UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese’s A/HRC/59/23 report’s press-summarized list of complicit companies, nor in the retrievable text of the OHCHR settlement-business database update ^{31, 32, 33, 34}.