Siemens - BDS-1000 Dossier

Key Findings

• Economic: Siemens holds a c. NIS 4 billion (~$1.1 billion) Israel Railways contract for the Tel Aviv–Jerusalem “A1” line - later expanded to 834 rail cars - whose route crosses the Green Line into the occupied West Bank at two points, and it separately subcontracted $4 million in aluminium components to Extal, a manufacturer based in the Mishor Adumim settlement industrial zone.¹²
• Political: Siemens continued and expanded its Israel contracts (a further 81-train order signed January 2024) through and after the 7 October 2023 war onset, and issued no Israel/Gaza-specific human-rights statement or risk review comparable to its explicit 2022 condemnation and wind-down of Russian operations over Ukraine.¹³
• Digital/Military: Israel’s Ministry of Defense acquired or renewed at least $1 million in Siemens PLM/CAD software licences (Teamcenter, Solid Edge, FLOEFD) between November 2023 and June 2024, distributed via McKit Systems, a reseller whose disclosed client base includes the IMOD, Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, and Rafael.¹⁴
• Not found: No evidence of Siemens manufacturing, supplying, or maintaining weapons, munitions, missile-defence components, or armoured/combat platforms; Siemens does not appear on the UN OHCHR settlement-business database or in the 2025 Albanese “economy of genocide” report, and its Intelligent Traffic Systems unit - the product line with the clearest West Bank road-infrastructure footprint - was divested in 2021.⁴⁵

Target Profile

Key Facts:

• ~800 employees across Siemens’s Israeli entities, including Siemens Israel Ltd. (registered 2000), Siemens Energy Ltd. Israel, Siemens Industry Software Ltd., and Siemens Healthineers Israel⁸⁹¹⁰
• Siemens dates its Israeli market presence to a 1924 sales office and describes “around 60 years” of continuous active operations³
• Israel Railways A1 rail-car contract: NIS 4 billion ($1.1 billion), 2018 award, expanded from 330 to 834 cars, in service December 2021¹²
• Israeli Ministry of Defense acquired/renewed Siemens PLM software licences worth at least $1 million between November 2023 and June 2024¹⁴
• 2016 settlement of NIS 160 million (~$42.7 million) with Israeli prosecutors over 1999–2005 Israel Electric Corporation bribery allegations¹¹

Executive Summary

Siemens AG is a German industrial and technology conglomerate with a commercial presence in Israel dating to the 1920s and formalized as Siemens Israel Ltd. in 2000. Its documented Israel/Palestine nexus is overwhelmingly economic and civilian-infrastructural rather than military: Siemens supplies rail rolling stock, power-generation technology, medical imaging equipment, and product-lifecycle-management (PLM) software to Israeli state and quasi-state entities, and - through Israeli resellers - into Israel’s defense-industrial base. It is not a weapons manufacturer, missile-system supplier, or listed Israeli defense exporter in any source reviewed across the four domain audits.¹⁴

The strongest documented vectors are economic and political. Siemens holds a c. NIS 4 billion (~$1.1 billion) contract, awarded in 2018 and expanded to 834 cars, to supply electric rail cars for the Tel Aviv–Jerusalem “A1” line, whose route Who Profits documents as crossing the Green Line into the occupied West Bank at two locations, partly on privately owned Palestinian land.¹² Israel Railways placed a further firm order for 81 additional Siemens trains, reported in February 2024 - after the 7 October 2023 war onset - showing continued and expanded commercial engagement during active hostilities.² Siemens separately contracted Extal, an aluminium-parts manufacturer based in the Mishor Adumim settlement industrial zone, for $4 million in components as part of a reciprocal-procurement obligation tied to the rail contract.¹ Politically, Siemens co-signed a October 2023 German-corporate statement condemning the Hamas attack and expressing horror at “the suffering of civilians in Israel and Gaza,” but issued no comparable Israel/Gaza-specific human-rights review or risk statement - a notable asymmetry against its explicit May 2022 condemnation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and subsequent multi-year wind-down of ~170 years of Russian operations.³ Digitally and militarily, Siemens’s nexus runs through McKit Systems, an Israeli reseller (a subsidiary of Malam Team) that has distributed Siemens’s Teamcenter, Solid Edge, and FLOEFD software to the Israeli Ministry of Defense, Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, and Rafael since at least 2013; IMOD licence acquisitions/renewals totalling at least $1 million were documented between November 2023 and June 2024.¹⁴

Several allegations and vectors examined did not withstand scrutiny or were mitigated by subsequent corporate action, and the dossier records these honestly rather than hardening them. Siemens’s Intelligent Traffic Systems division - the business line with the clearest documented West Bank road-infrastructure footprint (traffic-control equipment on Roads 5, 443, and 1, including at the Mishor Adumim settlement industrial zone) - was divested in July 2021 and now operates as Yunex Traffic under an unrelated corporate group; Siemens stated in February 2024 that it “did not supply, install, or maintain traffic control systems for use on roads in the occupied territories.”¹⁴ Siemens does not appear on the UN OHCHR settlement-business database, and a full-text check of UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese’s July 2025 report “From economy of occupation to economy of genocide” found no reference to the company.⁴⁵ No public evidence was identified of Siemens supplying weapons, munitions, missile-defence components, armoured vehicles, or any other lethal hardware to Israeli forces; its documented defense-sector role is confined to commercial software licensing via a third-party reseller.¹⁴ Allegations that Siemens signed a boycott-of-Israel clause in a 2018 Turkish rail contract were explicitly denied by company spokespersons, and no government body is confirmed to have issued a finding of violation.⁷¹²¹³

Together, these findings support a BRS score of 620 (Tier B, Severe): substantial, sustained economic entanglement with Israeli state infrastructure - including a documented, unmitigated settlement-adjacent supply relationship and continued contract expansion through the 2023–2024 war - combined with an indirect but named software-supply channel into Israel’s three largest weapons manufacturers, offset by the complete absence of any direct military-hardware, munitions, or missile-defence nexus and by one significant, verified divestment.

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

Siemens AG, founded in Berlin in 1847, is a publicly listed (DAX) German industrial conglomerate legally domiciled in Munich. Its corporate group includes legally distinct, separately listed entities spun off from the parent - Siemens Healthineers (2018) and Siemens Energy (2020) - plus Siemens Mobility as an operating unit; Siemens AG’s residual shareholding in Siemens Energy AG has been reduced through periodic transfers to the Siemens Pension-Trust, falling toward roughly 10% by 2026.³ Siemens has invoked this corporate separation to characterize Great Sea Interconnector activity as belonging to Siemens Energy rather than Siemens AG in response to civil-society inquiries, though no independent verification was obtained of which specific legal entity holds the converter-station contract.³

Siemens’s Israeli operations are conducted through wholly-owned local subsidiaries: Siemens Israel Ltd. (registered 2000, offices in Tel Aviv and Rosh HaAyin), Siemens Energy Ltd. Israel, Siemens Industry Software Ltd., Siemens Mobility Ltd., and Siemens Healthineers Israel, among at least seven other Israel-domiciled entities, employing approximately 800 staff in total.⁸⁹¹⁰¹ Siemens also holds a 23% stake in Reindeer Energy Ltd., a gas-fired power joint venture with Phoenix Insurance in central Israel.¹ In Israel’s defense sector specifically, Siemens does not contract directly; its PLM software (Teamcenter, Solid Edge, FLOEFD) reaches the Israeli Ministry of Defense, Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, and Rafael via McKit Systems, a subsidiary of Israeli defense-tech firm Malam Team, whose client list has included these entities since 2013.¹⁴ Israel Prison Service fire-safety and (via Orad) radar/night-vision equipment reach IPS facilities, including Ktziot Prison (which holds Palestinian administrative detainees), through Israeli representative firms rather than direct Siemens contracts.¹⁴ Siemens’s corporate venture arm, Next47, has operated an Israel office in Herzliya since January 2020, and Siemens’s Dynamo open-innovation program has scouted Israeli Industry 4.0 startups from Tel Aviv since 2018, including Cybord and Inspekto (acquired 2024).⁶

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

Siemens’s documented military-domain nexus is exclusively software-based and indirect. Between November 2023 and June 2024, the Israeli Ministry of Defense acquired or renewed licences for Siemens’s Teamcenter, Solid Edge, and FLOEFD software, in disclosed contracts totalling at least $1 million; because the disclosure database covers only unclassified, non-tendered awards, actual total IMOD procurement of Siemens products is understood to be larger.¹⁴ These licences are distributed via McKit Systems, a Malam Team subsidiary and official IMOD supplier that has listed the IMOD, Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, and Rafael among its clients since 2013; in 2012, McKit sponsored an Israeli military-technology conference introducing Siemens PLM software to Israeli military officers.¹ Israeli military and arms-industry entities reportedly use this software “to optimize their weapon production lines.”¹⁴ Separately, Siemens’s civilian infrastructure contracts intersect the West Bank: the Israel Railways A1 line crosses the Green Line at two points on partly Palestinian-owned land, and Siemens is the reported preferred contractor for converter stations on the Great Sea Interconnector, which campaigners assert would extend Israeli grid capacity - including to West Bank settlements - via the Israel Electric Corporation network.¹⁴

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Siemens’s documented role is as a civilian technology supplier into Israeli defense procurement via an independent Israeli reseller, not as a listed Israeli defense exporter, prime contractor, or licensed manufacturer.¹⁴ No public evidence was identified of Siemens supplying physical weapons components, sub-systems, armour materials, propulsion parts, or guidance/fire-control electronics to any Israeli defense prime; all identified defense-sector supply is PLM/CAD software tooling.¹ No public evidence was identified of Siemens involvement in the Iron Dome, David’s Sling, or Arrow missile-defence systems, whose confirmed suppliers are Rafael, IAI, RTX/Raytheon, and Boeing, nor in Israel’s Medium Robotic Combat Vehicle program.¹ No formal OECD National Contact Point complaint against Siemens specific to Israel/Palestine was identified.¹ The Great Sea Interconnector’s Israel-leg status was reported “frozen” as of mid-2025 amid financing and geopolitical disputes - an unresolved rather than confirmed-active status.⁴

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Israeli Ministry of Defense (software licensee, Nov 2023–Jun 2024); McKit Systems / Malam Team (exclusive Israeli PLM reseller since 2013); Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, Rafael Advanced Defense Systems (named McKit clients; Siemens operates a training academy on Rafael’s Haifa premises); Extal Ltd. (Mishor Adumim settlement-based aluminium supplier, $4 million contract, listed in the UN settlement-business database, also a supplier to IAI and Rafael); Orad Group (Israeli representative supplying/maintaining fire-safety and, separately, radar/night-vision/control systems at Israel Prison Service facilities including Ktziot Prison).¹⁴

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

Siemens Digital Industries Software licenses its Teamcenter, Solid Edge, and FLOEFD platforms in Israel exclusively through McKit Systems, whose disclosed client base includes Israel Aerospace Industries, Elbit Systems, and Rafael.⁴ Siemens Healthineers maintains an inbound cybersecurity partnership with Claroty, an Israeli-founded OT/IoT security firm, integrating its xDome platform to secure connected medical devices; Siemens separately announced an outbound industrial-cybersecurity partnership with Palo Alto Networks (Israeli-founded, now US-domiciled) in March 2026, pairing Siemens’s SINEC Security Monitor with Palo Alto firewall technology.⁴ Israel hosts a Siemens PLM development unit rooted in Tecnomatix, an Israeli company folded into Siemens via its 2007 UGS acquisition.⁴ Siemens’s corporate venture arm Next47 has run an Israel office since January 2020, with disclosed portfolio investments in Bringg, Bizzabo, and Logz.io; Siemens’s Dynamo innovation program and its Israel Innovation Authority “MNC Program” collaboration with startup Cybord (first grant, November 2020) further embed Siemens in the Israeli tech ecosystem.⁴ Siemens Healthineers acquired Israeli vascular-robotics firm Corindus for ~$1.1 billion (2019), and Siemens’s Factory Automation unit acquired Israeli machine-vision startup Inspekto (announced February 2024).⁴ Orad, as Siemens’s Israeli representative, supplied a range radar, control system, and night-vision system to Ktziot Prison, which holds Palestinian administrative detainees, alongside the separately contracted fire-detection maintenance work.⁴

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence was identified that Siemens holds direct enterprise relationships with Israeli surveillance or security-analytics vendors such as Check Point, NSO-adjacent firms, NICE, or Verint, nor that it uses Israeli facial-recognition/biometric retail technology (Trigo, BriefCam, AnyVision/Oosto, Trax). No public evidence was identified of Siemens operating cloud/data-centre infrastructure in Israel or participating in Project Nimbus. No public evidence was identified of Siemens supplying AI-driven surveillance, target-generation, or population-tracking systems to Israeli state or security bodies; its only AI-adjacent Israel linkages (Cybord, Inspekto) are commercial industrial quality-inspection applications. The historical Stuxnet episode - in which Israeli and US intelligence exploited Siemens’s Step 7 SCADA software as an attack vector against Iran’s Natanz facility circa 2010 - involved Siemens as the exploited vendor, not a knowing supplier of the cyberweapon, and is a closed, historical matter.⁴ Siemens is not named in the 2025 Albanese report.⁴

Named Entities and Evidence Map

McKit Systems / Malam Team (PLM reseller to IMOD, Elbit, IAI, Rafael); Claroty (inbound OT-security partner, Siemens Healthineers); Palo Alto Networks (outbound cybersecurity product partnership, announced 2026); Corindus Vascular Robotics and Inspekto (Israeli acquisitions); Cybord and Bringg/Bizzabo/Logz.io (Next47/Dynamo/Innovation Authority ecosystem relationships); Orad Group (Ktziot Prison radar/night-vision/control-system supply).⁴

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

Economic entanglement is Siemens’s most substantial documented vector. Siemens won a 2018 Israel Railways tender worth NIS 4 billion ($1.1 billion) for electric rail cars on the Tel Aviv–Jerusalem A1 line - 60 train sets (~330 cars), later expanded to 834 cars with an option extending to 2046 - entering service December 2021 on a route Who Profits documents as crossing the Green Line into the occupied West Bank.¹² A further firm order for 81 additional Desiro HC trains was placed in February 2024, as part of a wider €1.7 billion rolling-stock procurement.² Siemens Mobility separately won a 2021 contract (reported €180–220 million) for Mireo tram-train rolling stock for the Jerusalem Light Rail expansion, whose network includes lines through East Jerusalem.² Under a reciprocal-procurement obligation tied to the rail contract (reportedly initiated by Israel’s Ministry of Economy in 2019), Siemens contracted Extal, based in the Mishor Adumim settlement industrial zone, for $4 million in aluminium parts.¹ Siemens states that approximately 40% of Israel’s power-generation capacity is based on Siemens technology, and has supplied turnkey gas- and steam-turbine power plants (Alon Tavor, Ramat Gabriel).²¹ Siemens was named preferred bidder (March 2020) for HVDC converter stations on the Great Sea Interconnector linking Israel, Cyprus, and Greece.¹⁵ A 1999–2005 turbine-supply relationship with the Israel Electric Corporation resulted in bribery allegations, a 2016 Israeli prosecutorial settlement (NIS 160 million, ~$42.7 million) against Siemens, and separate convictions of six former IEC officials.¹¹

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Siemens AG does not disclose standalone Israel revenue; Israel is subsumed within a broader Europe/CIS/Africa/Middle East regional segment, and Israel is not named as a strategic growth market in Siemens’s annual reports.¹ No Israeli government ownership stake, golden share, or board appointee exists at Siemens AG; its largest shareholders are BlackRock, Vanguard, and DWS, all standard global index investors.³ No public evidence was identified of Siemens holding Israeli sovereign bonds or Israel-focused investment funds as disclosed positions. Siemens told Who Profits in February 2024 that it is “acting as a supplier, not involved in construction of [the] A1 line” and that an internal and external legal review concluded the transaction was in line with its human-rights due-diligence policy.¹ No regulatory or DEFRA-style enforcement action concerning settlement-origin goods has been identified against Siemens, and its core product lines (rail rolling stock, turbines, medical imaging, PLM software) fall outside country-of-origin labelling regimes applicable to consumer goods.¹

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Israel Railways (A1 line and DDEMU orders); NTA Metropolitan Mass Transit System (Jerusalem Light Rail); Israel Electric Corporation (turbines, historical bribery case); Extal Ltd. (Mishor Adumim settlement supplier); Reindeer Energy Ltd. (23%-owned gas-power joint venture with Phoenix Insurance); Siemens Israel Ltd., Siemens Energy Ltd. Israel, Siemens Industry Software Ltd., Siemens Healthineers Israel (wholly-owned local subsidiaries).¹⁹¹⁰

(no additional named entities beyond those above)

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

Siemens co-signed the 22 October 2023 German-corporate advertisement “Never again is now,” condemning Hamas’s attack and expressing horror at civilian suffering “in Israel and Gaza.”³ Beyond that joint statement, Siemens issued no Israel/Gaza-specific human-rights review or heightened-risk disclosure, even as its Israel contracts continued and expanded through and after 2023–2024 - including the January/February 2024 order for 81 additional trains and the November 2023–June 2024 IMOD software licence renewals.²¹ This contrasts with Siemens’s explicit May 2022 condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its subsequent multi-year wind-down of roughly 170 years of Russian operations under sanctions compliance - a documented asymmetry in posture between the two conflicts.³ Siemens Israel CEO Zahi Golan has publicly framed the Germany–Israel relationship as a close technology “ecosystem” (“1+1 equals at least 3”).³ Siemens is a named BDS Movement corporate target (jointly with Chevron, from 6 October 2022) over the Great Sea Interconnector and Israel Railways contracts, following a September 2022 open letter from the Palestinian Human Rights Organizations Council.¹⁷¹⁶ Activists targeted Siemens’s Cambridge, UK office on 17 October 2024, citing its inclusion on “the official BDS list.”¹⁸¹⁹ Didsbury for Palestine, a Manchester civil-society group, conducted a year-plus letter and dialogue campaign culminating in a 30 July 2025 warning letter and a May 2026 reply from Siemens characterized by reporting as “brief, generic,” avoiding most substantive questions about OPT-linked business.²⁰ Separately, German broadcaster SWR and the Zachor Legal Institute alleged (February–June 2023) that Siemens signed a 2018 Turkish rail contract containing an Organization of Islamic Cooperation boycott-compliance clause; New York State Comptroller and Arizona State Treasurer offices reviewed the allegation under state anti-BDS statutes.⁷¹²¹³

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Siemens spokespersons Florian Martini and Wolfram Trost explicitly denied signing any Israel-boycott declaration in the Turkish rail contract, and no public finding of a violation by any reviewing government body was identified.⁷¹²¹³ No public evidence was identified of Siemens HR action against employees for pro-Palestinian speech or union activity, nor of algorithmic content moderation or editorial-stance controversy, consistent with its status as an industrial/infrastructure company rather than a consumer platform. No public evidence was identified of Siemens or a Siemens foundation donating to Israeli military-welfare or settlement-support organizations (FIDF, JNF/KKL, Regavim, Im Tirtzu, or similar), nor of Siemens executives or board members holding roles in pro-Israel/anti-BDS advocacy organizations. No court judgment, sanction, or formal regulatory finding against Siemens specifically for occupied-territory operations was identified; Siemens does not appear on the UN OHCHR settlement-business database and is not named in the 2025 Albanese report.⁴

Named Entities and Evidence Map

BDS Movement (formal boycott target since October 2022); Palestinian Human Rights Organizations Council (September 2022 open letter); Didsbury for Palestine (2025–2026 letter campaign); Cambridge pro-Palestine protesters (October 2024); Zachor Legal Institute / SWR (Turkish-boycott allegation); New York State Comptroller and Arizona State Treasurer offices (anti-BDS statute review, no violation finding); Siemens Israel CEO Zahi Golan; CEO Roland Busch and Supervisory Board Chairman Jim Hagemann Snabe (no comparable Israel/Gaza statement identified from either).^17182073

BDS-1000 Score (V4)

• V_MAX: 8.00 Sum_OTHERS: 9.62
• BRS Score: 620 Tier: B (Severe)

V_MAX is driven entirely by Economic, the domain with by far the strongest evidentiary base: a c. $1.1 billion, war-spanning rail infrastructure contract crossing into the occupied West Bank, a direct settlement-zone supplier relationship (Extal), and a historical bribery settlement with a major Israeli state utility, all scored at high impact, magnitude, and proximity. Political contributes substantially through the documented continuation/expansion of contracts through the 2023–2024 war absent an Israel-specific human-rights review, while Military and Digital score far lower because Siemens’s defense- and security-sector reach is confined to indirect, reseller-distributed software licensing with no hardware, weapons, or surveillance-platform supply identified. The Tier B (Severe) classification reflects sustained, high-proximity economic entanglement moderated by the near-total absence of a military or digital-surveillance nexus. Scoring follows the scale-free BDS-1000 method - Impact (activity type) x Magnitude (scale) x Proximity (directness) per domain - built exclusively from evidence in the four domain audits and subjected to human vetting.

Methodology Note

• All claims in this dossier are evidence-only, sourced exclusively from the Military, Digital, Economic, and Political domain audits produced for Siemens; no claim is introduced from outside those audits.
• Scoring is scale-free: Impact (I) reflects the type of activity (e.g., software licensing vs. settlement construction vs. weapons supply), Magnitude (M) reflects documented scale (contract value, headcount, duration), and Proximity (P) reflects directness of the Israel/Palestine nexus (direct contract vs. reseller-mediated vs. historical/divested).
• A temporal mitigation rule applies: divested or exited operations (e.g., Siemens’s July 2021 sale of its Intelligent Traffic Systems division) are treated as mitigating rather than current-state evidence.
• Entity attribution follows a no-transitive-guilt standard: liability is not imputed from a reseller, franchisee, or spun-off entity (e.g., Siemens Energy) to Siemens AG without direct documentary support; where a legal-entity distinction is disputed (as with the Great Sea Interconnector), that ambiguity is preserved rather than resolved against the company.
• Settlement-linked commercial activity (the Extal aluminium-supply relationship) is dual-counted across Economic and Political, consistent with the audits’ treatment of it as both an economic transaction and a political/occupation-infrastructure fact.
• Where the underlying audits found no supporting material, this dossier states “No public evidence identified” rather than inferring a claim, and it carries forward the audits’ own caveats (unverified, unresolved, divested, status unconfirmed) without hardening them into stronger claims.

End Notes