AstraZeneca

Key Findings

• Economic: AstraZeneca maintains two wholly owned Israeli subsidiaries, five disclosed minority Israeli investments, pharmaceutical-import activity, and research/innovation collaborations including AION Labs and AstraZeneca–BEAM.^{1, 2, 3, 4}
• Political: AstraZeneca’s documented Israeli presence includes a May 2019 memorandum with the Israel Innovation Authority and associated innovation activity; the reviewed evidence does not establish military, surveillance, or settlement-specific outputs from those arrangements.^{5, 6}
• Digital: AstraZeneca is identified as an AION Labs partner and shareholder in an Israel-based digital-health and computational-biology venture studio, but no public evidence identified of Israeli security-sector, Project Nimbus, surveillance, or military use.^{3, 7}
• Not found: No public evidence identified of AstraZeneca contracts, procurement, products, services, or technology supplied to Israeli military, intelligence, police, border, prison, settlement, or other security end users in the reviewed materials.^{8, 9}

Target Profile

Key Facts:

• AstraZeneca PLC was incorporated in England and Wales on 17 June 1992 and was formed through the 1999 merger of Astra AB and Zeneca PLC.^{10, 11}
• AstraZeneca (Israel) Ltd and Alexion Pharma Israel Ltd were listed as wholly owned group subsidiaries at 31 December 2025.¹
• AstraZeneca Israel states that its local operation was established in late 2008, is based in Kfar Saba, employs more than 100 people, and performs sales, marketing, medical, regulatory, clinical-research, medical-information, and administration functions.⁵

Executive Summary

AstraZeneca’s documented Israel nexus is primarily commercial, pharmaceutical, and research-oriented. Its audited group disclosures identify AstraZeneca (Israel) Ltd and Alexion Pharma Israel Ltd as wholly owned Israeli subsidiaries. AstraZeneca describes its Israel operation as a Kfar Saba-based organisation with more than 100 employees engaged in sales, marketing, medical and regulatory affairs, clinical research, medical information, and administration.^{1, 5}

The principal documented economic vector is a sustained local footprint alongside minority investments in Israeli life-science and digital-health companies. AstraZeneca’s FY2025 holdings disclosure identifies minority interests in AION Labs Innovation Lab Ltd. (19.23%), CombinAble.AI Ltd. (11.25%), ProPhet Bio Ltd. (11.70%), Renasis Bio Ltd. (11.25%), and TenAces Biosciences Ltd. (12.50%), all listed at Rehovot Science Park. The disclosure does not establish AstraZeneca control, capital contributions, governance rights, or intellectual-property rights in those companies.²

AstraZeneca also documents a May 2019 memorandum of understanding with the Israel Innovation Authority, described as supporting the Israeli healthcare ecosystem and investment in research and digital innovation. The company identifies BeyondBio as the innovation hub created in fulfilment of that memorandum. Israel Innovation Authority materials identify AstraZeneca as an AION Labs shareholder and partner in a digital-health and computational-biology venture-studio model. Separately, 2025–26 Tel Aviv University and Innovation Authority materials establish AstraZeneca–BEAM as a real-world-evidence research collaboration with Tel Aviv University. The available material does not establish selected projects, data-transfer arrangements, completed pilots, commercialisation, or a military or security end use.^{3, 5, 6, 12}

The audits found no public evidence of AstraZeneca defence contracting, Israeli Ministry of Defense or IDF procurement, security-sector technology provision, tactical or military-specific products, or settlement operations. The company’s Israeli privacy and innovation materials do not establish Israeli state-security access, Project Nimbus participation, surveillance deployment, or use of AI systems for military, intelligence, policing, border, settlement, targeting, or lethality functions.^{7, 8, 9}

The fixed human-vetted V6.5 outcome is BRS 448, Tier C (Substantial Complicity). This result is driven by the documented scale and directness of AstraZeneca’s ordinary economic and innovation presence in Israel, rather than verified military or digital-security involvement. The dossier does not treat historical distribution leads, general Israeli market activity, external board appointments, or unverified claims as proof of military, settlement, or occupation-linked conduct.

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

AstraZeneca PLC is a UK public limited pharmaceutical group incorporated in England and Wales. Its stated registered office and principal executive office are at the Cambridge Biomedical Campus. Its registered activities include pharmaceutical manufacture, pharmaceutical wholesaling, and biotechnology research and development.^{10, 11}

The group’s FY2025 subsidiary schedule identifies AstraZeneca (Israel) Ltd and Alexion Pharma Israel Ltd as 100%-owned Israeli subsidiaries. Both are listed with Kfar Saba addresses in that schedule. AstraZeneca’s privacy-contact records also identify AstraZeneca (Israel) Ltd, but list a Hod Hasharon address; the available records do not resolve that address discrepancy.^{1, 18}

The documented local footprint is commercial, regulatory, clinical-research, pharmaceutical-import, medical-information, and administrative activity. Israeli Ministry of Health materials identify AstraZeneca (Israel) Ltd as licence holder and importer for specified medicines, including Zoladex LA and Symbicort Turbuhaler, while identifying AstraZeneca UK Ltd. or AstraZeneca AB as manufacturer. These records do not establish importer status for every AstraZeneca product, import volumes, or a local manufacturing operation.^{19, 20}

AstraZeneca’s reported Israeli innovation relationships include the Israel Innovation Authority memorandum, BeyondBio, AION Labs, and AstraZeneca–BEAM. Its group disclosure identifies minority interests in five Rehovot-based entities. The evidence establishes those interests as minority holdings; no public evidence identified that AstraZeneca controls those entities.^{2, 3, 12}

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

No public evidence identified of AstraZeneca holding a contract, tender award, framework agreement, memorandum, or other procurement relationship with the Israeli Ministry of Defense, IDF, Israel Prison Service, Israel Police, Border Police, or another Israeli security body in the reviewed materials.^{8, 9}

No public evidence identified of AstraZeneca manufacturing, marketing, or supplying tactical, ruggedised, military-specific, defence-grade, or weapons-effect product variants to Israeli security forces. The reviewed Israel materials describe pharmaceutical and healthcare functions rather than military products.^{5, 9}

No public evidence identified of AstraZeneca supplying identified Israeli defence primes; participating in Israeli defence-prime joint development, co-production, technology transfer, or licensed manufacturing; or serving as a verified component supplier for Israeli lethal platforms, munitions, missile-defence systems, aircraft, armoured vehicles, naval systems, or ballistic-missile systems.^{8, 9}

A 2021 Israeli Ministry of Health-approved Soliris patient-safety card identifies Neopharm Israel Group as a contact for the Alexion/AstraZeneca rare-disease medicine Soliris. This is evidence of a civilian pharmaceutical safety-contact and distribution context, not military logistics or supply to security bodies.²¹

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

AstraZeneca’s strongest defence is that the documented Israeli activity is civilian pharmaceutical, regulatory, clinical-research, and health-innovation activity. The reviewed procurement, corporate, regulatory, UN/OHCHR, and targeted-search materials did not identify an AstraZeneca military or security contract.^{5, 8, 9}

The Ministry of Defense supplier portal is login-gated and does not publish a complete searchable supplier list. Accordingly, its public landing page cannot function as a complete supplier-record check. The audit’s no-evidence findings are source- and review-bounded, rather than proof that no non-public relationship could exist.²²

A 2012 Who Profits report described a civilian logistics channel in which SLE handled Teva sales and distribution, including third-party products such as AstraZeneca products. It did not establish an AstraZeneca-specific shipment, customer, facility, settlement end user, or security end user; its continuation is unknown.²³

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

AstraZeneca is identified as a partner and shareholder in AION Labs, an Israel-based venture studio focused on digital health and computational biology. The Israel Innovation Authority’s listing identifies AION Labs in Rehovot Science Park; public materials do not disclose AstraZeneca’s shareholding percentage in that source, capital commitment, governance rights, or data arrangements.^{3, 26}

AstraZeneca states that BeyondBio works with local stakeholders on digital-health and AI solutions. The 2026 AstraZeneca–BEAM call describes an AstraZeneca-led global real-world-evidence centre established with Tel Aviv University. Programme guidelines identify prospective areas such as clinical-text-mining algorithms and medical-coding automation, but these are prospective priorities rather than evidence of a completed deployment, identified patient-data transfer, or security use.^{6, 12, 27}

AstraZeneca’s Israeli privacy notice identifies AstraZeneca (Israel) Ltd as controller for covered personal data and describes healthcare-professional and commercial-contact processing, including AI/ML-enabled market research and segmentation. The notice contemplates sharing with Group companies, IT providers, research partners, and statutory or law-enforcement bodies as applicable, but does not identify a data-centre location, processor, routing, retention period, Israeli public-authority access, or use by Wiz or Claroty.²⁸

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence identified that AstraZeneca operates or leases Israeli data-centre infrastructure, participates in Project Nimbus, or provides cloud, data-residency, digital-sovereignty, or infrastructure-resilience services to Israeli state or military institutions.^{3, 7, 28}

No public evidence identified of AstraZeneca technology contracts, platforms, services, or deployments for the Israeli Ministry of Defense, IDF, intelligence bodies, police, border authorities, settlements, or occupied-territory surveillance. Nor did the reviewed materials identify offensive cyber capabilities, exploit tools, digital weapons, target-generation, fire-control, lethality, or autonomous-tracking systems supplied by AstraZeneca.^{7, 9}

A 2026 AstraZeneca security-platform vacancy identifies Wiz and Claroty as core platforms and identifies several strategic vendor relationships. It does not establish a particular product module, Israeli deployment, data category, support-access location, or Israeli state-security downstream use.²⁹

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

AstraZeneca’s direct economic presence includes two wholly owned Israeli subsidiaries and an Israel operation employing more than 100 people. AstraZeneca describes functions spanning sales, marketing, medical and regulatory affairs, clinical research, medical information, and administration.^{1, 5}

The group disclosed five minority-held Israeli investments: AION Labs Innovation Lab Ltd. (19.23%), CombinAble.AI Ltd. (11.25%), ProPhet Bio Ltd. (11.70%), Renasis Bio Ltd. (11.25%), and TenAces Biosciences Ltd. (12.50%). The available disclosure presents these as minority interests, not controlled subsidiaries.²

AstraZeneca (Israel) Ltd is documented as licence holder and importer for specified medicines. The cited Ministry of Health records identify foreign group entities as manufacturers. No public evidence identified of Israeli manufacturing by AstraZeneca, a local production plant, warehouse, or production site in the reviewed sources.^{19, 20}

A 2020 Itamar Medical filing records a discrete approximate US$2 million purchase order from AstraZeneca AB for EndoPAT devices for clinical trials. The available record does not establish repeated orders after 2020 or a continuing supplier relationship.¹⁴

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The evidence does not quantify Israel-specific revenue, taxable profit, tax paid, payroll, procurement, capital expenditure, market share, export value, dividends, or profit repatriation. The dossier therefore does not infer a quantified contribution to the Israeli tax base or economy from the existence of the local presence alone.^{1, 2}

No public evidence identified of AstraZeneca procuring settlement-origin goods, operating in settlements, maintaining facilities in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza, the Golan Heights, or engaging in settlement-related commercial investment. The supplied OHCHR and UN scans did not name AstraZeneca; those findings are document-scoped and do not establish absence from every database or source.^{8, 30}

No public evidence identified of Israeli sovereign-bond or war-bond financing, critical-national-infrastructure designation, Israeli Ministry of Defense or IDF contracts, defence-prime relationships, or state ownership.^{8, 30}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

AstraZeneca’s principal documented political/public-policy nexus is institutional rather than conflict advocacy: its May 2019 memorandum with the Israel Innovation Authority, BeyondBio activity, participation in AION Labs, and the AstraZeneca–BEAM collaboration with Tel Aviv University.^{3, 5, 6, 12}

AstraZeneca’s Near East and Maghreb page states that the company has had a presence since 2020 in 12 markets including Palestine. A supplier-contact table lists a Palestine accounts-payable and finance contact in Amman, Jordan. These records identify a regional commercial or administrative route; they do not establish a Palestinian-incorporated entity, Palestinian facility, sales outlet, clinical site, or operations in occupied territory.^{31, 32}

AstraZeneca reports U.S. political contributions and lobbying disclosures, including US legal-entity political contributions of $1,104,925 during 2025. Text searches of company-published 2025 AZPAC/AlexionPAC and corporate-contributions reports found no occurrence of “Israel” or “AIPAC.” This is limited to those reports and does not establish the absence of personal, indirect, earlier, later, or non-disclosed activity.^{33, 34, 35}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence identified of AstraZeneca Israel/Palestine-conflict-specific corporate statements, relief commitments, product donations, advocacy interventions, crisis-logistics mobilisation, or corporate Israel/Palestine-specific government-facing political activity in the reviewed materials.^{5, 31, 36}

No public evidence identified of AstraZeneca corporate donations, products, or logistics directed to the IDF, Friends of the IDF, JNF/KKL, settlement organisations, reservist funds, military-welfare bodies, or settlement events in the targeted searches.^{33, 34, 35}

A 2012 Who Profits report said that Salomon, Levin and Elstein distributed AstraZeneca products in Israel and operated throughout Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory. The report did not establish that AstraZeneca products were distributed in occupied territory or settlements. The arrangement is therefore a historical intermediary lead, not verified evidence of AstraZeneca operations in occupied territory; continuity is unknown.²³

Named Entities and Evidence Map

BDS-1000 Score

Method: V6.5.

• V_MAX: 5.14 Avg_OTHERS: 1.17
• BRS Score: 448 Tier: C (Substantial Complicity)

V_MAX is driven by the Economic record: wholly owned Israeli subsidiaries, a documented local workforce and commercial presence, pharmaceutical-import functions, minority Israeli investments, and continuing innovation and research collaborations. Political reflects the direct institutional relationships and organised ecosystem engagement, while remaining below Economic because the audits did not verify conflict-specific advocacy, settlement activity, military support, or Israel/Palestine-directed political financing.

The V6.5 approach is scale-free and evidence-only. Scores reflect vetted documentary findings on activity type and impact, scale, and directness; they do not convert unverified allegations, historical leads, external affiliations, or evidence gaps into findings.

Methodology Note

• This dossier is limited to the evidence record in the four supplied Military, Digital, Economic, and Political audits.
• The method is evidence-only: claims are included only where supported by the audited sources, and “No public evidence identified” is used where the reviewed checks found no support.
• Impact measures the documented activity type; M measures documented scale; P measures directness of the connection. The method is scale-free rather than a calculation of revenue, harm, tax paid, or market share.
• Divested, exited, historical, or unconfirmed operations are mitigated. A historical intermediary or one-off procurement record is not treated as proof of a continuing relationship.
• Entity attribution is limited to the company, controlled subsidiaries, and documented attributable activity. External appointments, minority holdings, shareholders, and third parties do not create transitive corporate guilt.
• Settlement operations, if evidenced, may bear both Economic and Political significance. Here, no public evidence identified of AstraZeneca operations or facilities in settlements, East Jerusalem settlements, the West Bank, Gaza, or the Golan Heights in the reviewed materials.^{8, 30}