Chevron MILITARY

Target: Chevron Corporation (NYSE: CVX)

Research cut-off: 26 October 2026

Scope: Chevron Corporation, Chevron Mediterranean Limited, acquired Noble Energy operations, named consortium counterparties, and corporate principals with documented defence-industry connections.

Evidence terminology: “Direct” means a documented contract or supply relationship with a named military or security end-user. “Indirect” means supply through civilian or commercial infrastructure subsequently used by military or security institutions. “no public evidence identified” means the reviewed records did not establish the specified relationship.

Direct Defence Contracting & Procurement

Israeli Ministry of Defence and security-force contracts

No public evidence identified of a contract awarded directly to Chevron Corporation, Chevron Mediterranean Limited or its predecessor Noble Energy by the Israeli Ministry of Defence, Israel Defence Forces, Israel Prison Service or Israel Border Police for military equipment, operational services or dedicated military fuel deliveries.

Documented commercial energy relationship

Chevron operates and partly owns the Tamar and Leviathan natural-gas fields through its Israeli subsidiary, Chevron Mediterranean Limited, and its involvement began with the acquisition of Noble Energy in 2020.¹

AFSC’s 2026 investigation identifies Chevron as Israel’s largest natural-gas producer and documents the company’s commercial relationship with the Israeli electricity sector, including Israel Electric Corporation (IEC), whose electricity network supplies government and military facilities.¹

The Tamar consortium’s long-term gas supply to IEC is commercially distinct from a direct supply contract between Chevron and a military end-user; AFSC identifies military bases, prisons and police installations among downstream electricity consumers.²

The relationship therefore involves a documented civilian energy-supply chain with reported military and security end-use, while a Chevron–IDF procurement agreement has not been established.^{1, 2}

Named Israeli counterparties

Chevron Mediterranean Limited operates Leviathan with a 39.66% working interest, alongside NewMed Energy at 45.34% and Ratio Energies at 15%.³

NewMed’s corporate disclosures identify a final investment decision dated 16 January 2026 for the Leviathan expansion, demonstrating continuing commercial coordination among the consortium partners.⁴

NewMed’s 2026 project documentation describes an intended increase in annual production capacity from approximately 14 to 21 billion cubic metres.⁵

These counterparties are documented energy-sector businesses; their participation in the consortium does not itself establish a defence procurement relationship.^{3, 5}

Defence directories, tenders and announcements

No public evidence identified of Chevron appearing as an Israeli defence supplier in a verifiable SIBAT listing, IMOD contract award, Israeli military procurement register or defence exhibition catalogue.

No public evidence identified of a Chevron announcement establishing a joint military programme or military equipment supply agreement with the IDF, Rafael, Elbit Systems or Israel Aerospace Industries.

Controlling principals and defence-industry governance

Chevron director Marillyn A. Hewson was formerly chairman, president and chief executive of Lockheed Martin, a major US defence and aerospace contractor; Chevron announced her appointment to its board effective January 2021.⁶

Lockheed Martin’s board documentation also identifies Patricia E. Yarrington, a former Chevron chief financial officer, as a Lockheed Martin director, establishing an additional historical executive-level connection between the two corporations.⁷

These documented governance connections do not establish Chevron ownership of Lockheed Martin weapons programmes or a Chevron contract with Israeli armed forces.^{6, 7}

No public evidence identified of Chevron’s named controlling principals personally funding an Israeli military unit, holding a verified controlling stake in an Israeli defence prime, or arranging a Chevron-specific military procurement award.

Dual-Use Products & Tactical Variants

Commercial energy products

Chevron’s documented Israeli business includes natural-gas production and transmission through Tamar, Leviathan and associated infrastructure, with gas supplied to domestic and regional energy consumers.^{1, 3}

AFSC identifies Israel Electric Corporation as a major downstream electricity supplier whose network serves civilian consumers and military or security installations.²

Natural gas supplied to an electricity grid has both civilian and military applications, but the reviewed records do not identify a Chevron-produced tactical fuel, military-specified natural-gas product or dedicated military energy platform.^{1, 2}

Civilian-to-military distinction

AFSC’s reporting identifies the military connection through the electricity generated from commercially supplied natural gas, rather than through a documented military-exclusive Chevron product or a named military procurement contract.²

Military variants

No public evidence identified of Chevron manufacturing or marketing an Israeli military-specific tactical vehicle, battlefield fuel system, ruggedised communications product, military sensor, targeting system or weapons-integration software.

End-user certification and export licensing

No public evidence identified of a Chevron-specific export licence, end-user certificate or defence export-control decision naming an Israeli military or security organisation as the final recipient.

Heavy Machinery, Construction & Infrastructure

Offshore energy infrastructure

Chevron’s Israeli operations include production and processing infrastructure associated with the Tamar and Leviathan offshore natural-gas fields.¹

NewMed Energy reported in January 2026 that the Leviathan partners had approved an expansion project with an estimated total budget of approximately $2.36 billion, including increased production capacity and associated development works.⁴

The project concerns commercial offshore natural-gas production and regional energy supply; the reviewed project documentation does not identify construction of an Israeli military base, settlement, checkpoint or detention facility.^{4, 5}

East Mediterranean Gas pipeline

AFSC identifies Chevron as a co-owner and operator of the East Mediterranean Gas pipeline, which transports Israeli natural gas to Egypt along the Gaza coastal area.¹

AFSC alleges that the pipeline’s location and operation are connected to restrictions on Palestinian maritime access and Israel’s naval blockade of Gaza.¹

The identified evidence establishes Chevron’s commercial involvement in gas transport, while the naval blockade and maritime restrictions are attributed to Israeli state and military authorities; no Chevron contract to administer maritime restrictions was identified.¹

NewMed Energy’s company profile independently identifies the consortium’s involvement in Eastern Mediterranean gas production and the East Mediterranean Gas pipeline.⁸

Occupied-territory electricity infrastructure

AFSC states that electricity generated using gas from Chevron-operated fields enters a grid serving Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank and occupied Syrian territories, as well as Israeli military and government installations.²

This is an indirect connection through electricity generation and distribution; the cited records do not identify Chevron as the direct owner or operator of the electricity distribution networks serving individual settlements or military installations.²

Construction and demolition machinery

No public evidence identified of Chevron-branded heavy machinery being supplied for settlement construction, house demolition, separation-barrier works, checkpoint construction or military engineering activities.

No public evidence identified of a Chevron construction contract for a detention facility, military installation or settlement expansion project in the West Bank, East Jerusalem or Golan Heights.

Military infrastructure services

No public evidence identified of Chevron directly constructing or maintaining Israeli military fortifications, military ports, air bases or military engineering facilities.

Excluded frame v_mil:ced3681e8971 - Chevron gas supply through IEC to settlement infrastructure. The reviewed evidence establishes a physical commercial supply relationship between Chevron-operated gas fields and Israel Electric Corporation (IEC), together with IEC’s documented role in supplying electricity to Israeli settlements and military installations in the occupied West Bank. AFSC’s Chevron investigation, updated 17 July 2026, identifies Chevron as operator of the Tamar and Leviathan gas fields and states that Tamar holds the principal natural-gas supply contract with IEC through 2030. AFSC’s Tamar Petroleum investigation independently confirms that gas from the Chevron-operated Tamar reservoir is sold to IEC and other electricity producers. The relevant actors are therefore Chevron Mediterranean Limited as field operator, the Tamar consortium as gas supplier, and IEC as electricity generator and distributor. The settlement beneficiaries are Israeli settlements and outposts connected to the electricity network, although the reviewed records do not identify an individual settlement receiving electricity attributable specifically to Chevron-produced gas. The downstream result is documented commercial electricity provision to a network serving settlements and military installations, but no settlement-specific allocation of Chevron gas or electricity is established.^{1, 9}

Independent confirmation of the downstream infrastructure relationship. The 1995 Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement, Annex III, Article 13, explicitly assigns the Israeli side responsibility for supplying electricity to Israeli settlements and military locations through the IEC grid. This establishes that settlement electricity supply is an identifiable function of the distribution infrastructure, rather than merely an inference from settlements’ geographical presence within Israel’s wider electricity market. Who Profits’ January 2017 investigation independently documents IEC’s commercial involvement in electricity generated at Israeli settlements, although this particular finding concerns IEC purchasing settlement-generated renewable electricity and does not establish deliveries of Chevron-derived electricity to those settlements. These records corroborate IEC’s settlement-related operations but provide no physical tracing from Chevron’s gas production through an identified generating unit, transmission route or settlement electricity meter.^{10, 11}

Attribution and current status - 28 October 2026. The available evidence supports an active indirect supply-chain association: Chevron operates gas-producing fields supplying IEC, and IEC’s electricity network serves Israeli settlements and military installations. AFSC reports that Tamar’s principal IEC supply agreement extends through 2030 and identifies continuing production and sales in 2025. However, no public evidence identified of Chevron’s own attributable physical delivery to a named settlement, a dedicated settlement electricity-generation agreement, settlement-specific gas volumes, electricity-meter records, or a traceable allocation establishing that particular settlement infrastructure consumed electricity generated from Chevron-operated gas. The named settlement beneficiary remains unverified at the individual-site level. Accordingly, the documented finding is continuing indirect commercial support through the national electricity system, with settlement electricity provision independently established at the IEC level. Chevron-specific physical supply to settlement infrastructure remains unproven. The excluded frame should remain excluded insofar as it requires proof of such attributable physical supply.^{1, 9, 10, 11}

Supply Chain Integration with Defence Primes

Israeli defence manufacturers

No public evidence identified of Chevron or Chevron Mediterranean supplying a documented military-specific component, subsystem or manufacturing service directly to Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, Rafael Advanced Defense Systems or Israel Military Industries.

Energy-industry consortium relationships

NewMed Energy confirms the commercial consortium linking Chevron Mediterranean, NewMed and Ratio Energies in Leviathan gas production and expansion.^{3, 5}

These relationships involve energy exploration, production and transmission; the reviewed records do not identify a dedicated defence-prime production programme involving Chevron.^{3, 5}

Corporate governance overlap

Marillyn Hewson’s service on Chevron’s board and her previous senior leadership of Lockheed Martin establish a documented personnel connection with a major international defence contractor.⁶

The reverse historical connection is also present through former Chevron CFO Patricia Yarrington’s membership of Lockheed Martin’s board.⁷

Neither identified board connection establishes a Chevron supply agreement, technology transfer, equity-controlled defence venture or co-production arrangement with an Israeli weapons manufacturer.^{6, 7}

Specific components and technology

No public evidence identified of Chevron supplying Israeli defence primes with guidance electronics, radar components, armour materials, propulsion systems, optical assemblies, fire-control hardware or military communications modules.

Joint development and licensed production

No public evidence identified of a Chevron–Israeli defence company military technology-transfer agreement, licensed manufacturing arrangement or jointly developed weapons platform.

Logistical Sustainment & Base Services

Fuel and electricity infrastructure

AFSC reports that Chevron-operated natural-gas fields supply Israel’s domestic energy market and that gas sold to Israel Electric Corporation is used to generate electricity distributed to military bases, prisons and police installations.^{1, 2}

The documented commercial chain is gas production, sale into the electricity sector, power generation and downstream electricity distribution; the reviewed evidence does not establish a direct Chevron contract with an individual military installation.^{1, 2}

Long-term commercial supply

AFSC’s updated Tamar Petroleum investigation identifies the Tamar gas field as a supplier to the Israeli domestic energy market, including electricity-generation customers.⁹

The existence of an ongoing natural-gas relationship supports the finding of continuing indirect supply to the national electricity infrastructure, but does not identify the quantities of Chevron-produced energy consumed at individual military installations.^{2, 9}

Geographic specificity

AFSC describes downstream electricity supply to military installations throughout Israel and to settlement infrastructure in occupied territories, but does not provide installation-specific Chevron gas invoices, delivery records or procurement identifiers in the reviewed company profiles.^{1, 2}

No public evidence identified of a dedicated Chevron fuel-delivery contract naming an IDF base in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Golan Heights or Negev.

Crude oil and refinery supply chains

Oil Change International’s March 2024 briefing identifies Chevron among major international oil and gas companies connected to crude-oil supply chains serving Israel.¹²

Its August 2024 follow-up distinguishes crude-oil and petroleum-product shipments from US-origin military-grade jet fuel deliveries.¹³

The investigation documents Chevron-related upstream exposure to Israeli petroleum imports but does not independently establish that Chevron was the named contractual supplier of a particular military aviation-fuel shipment.^{12, 13}

The petroleum-supply investigation also identifies imports from Kazakhstan among Israel’s crude-oil sources and discusses international companies associated with the relevant production and transportation infrastructure.¹³

Military logistics and transport contracts

No public evidence identified of a Chevron-owned freight-forwarding service, military shipping contract or port-handling agreement specifically transporting Israeli military equipment, ammunition or weapons.

Continuation during armed conflict

Reporting published on 25 June 2025 documented the restart of Chevron-operated Leviathan production after a shutdown associated with the Israel–Iran conflict, showing continued commercial operations during a period of regional hostilities.¹⁴

NewMed’s January 2026 disclosures further establish that the Chevron-operated Leviathan project continued into a new investment and development phase after July and November 2024.⁴

Base catering, maintenance and facilities support

No public evidence identified of Chevron providing catering, waste management, military facilities maintenance, military telecommunications or dedicated logistical support services to an Israeli military installation.

Munitions, Weapons Systems & Strategic Platforms

Lethal weapons manufacturing

No public evidence identified of Chevron acting as a prime contractor, subcontractor or licensed manufacturer of weapons supplied to Israeli armed forces.

No public evidence identified of Chevron manufacturing small arms, artillery, armoured fighting vehicles, military drones, naval weapons or dedicated battlefield strike systems for Israeli use.

Munitions and precursor materials

No public evidence identified of Chevron directly supplying an Israeli defence end-user with ammunition, explosives, warhead components, military propellants or dedicated munitions precursor materials under a documented defence supply contract.

Military aviation fuel

Oil Change International’s 2024 research documents the broader fuel supply chain serving Israel and distinguishes crude-oil sources from military-grade aviation fuel shipments.^{12, 13}

The reviewed material does not establish that Chevron directly manufactured, sold or delivered the identified military-grade aviation fuel under a contract with the Israeli Air Force.^{12, 13}

Strategic defence systems

No public evidence identified of Chevron manufacturing, maintaining or supplying identifiable components for Iron Dome, David’s Sling, Arrow, Israeli fighter aircraft, main battle tanks or military naval platforms.

Defence-industry director

Chevron’s board includes former Lockheed Martin chief executive Marillyn Hewson, whose previous leadership involved a company manufacturing military aircraft and weapons systems.⁶

That historical management relationship is distinct from a verified Chevron role in manufacturing, supplying or maintaining military platforms.⁶

Targeting software and weapons integration

No public evidence identified of Chevron developing autonomous targeting software, target-generation AI, fire-control systems, missile guidance software or weapons-integration systems specifically designed to produce kinetic military effects.

Export Licensing, Regulatory & Legal History

Military export licences

No public evidence identified of an Israeli military-specific export licence granted, denied, suspended or revoked for Chevron’s products by the United States, United Kingdom, European Union or Israeli authorities.

Commercial energy permissions

Enerdata reported on 19 December 2025 that the Israeli Ministry of Energy and Infrastructure had authorised natural-gas exports from the Leviathan reservoir to Egypt.¹⁵

This was a commercial energy export authorisation associated with Chevron Mediterranean and its consortium partners, rather than a military export licence.¹⁵

The February 2026 Journal of Petroleum Technology report describes the Leviathan expansion decision and the associated long-term Egypt gas-export arrangements.¹⁶

Sanctions and arms embargoes

No public evidence identified of an enforcement action finding Chevron in breach of an arms embargo or military export-control restriction specifically involving Israel.

Shareholder legal and regulatory records

An April 2025 notice of exempt solicitation filed with the US Securities and Exchange Commission by the Franciscan Sisters of Allegany and Investor Advocates for Social Justice raised concerns about Chevron’s operations in Israel and Palestine, including the East Mediterranean Gas pipeline and Israeli electricity infrastructure.¹⁷

The SEC-hosted document records allegations and shareholder advocacy; its publication does not constitute an SEC finding of unlawful conduct.¹⁷

The notice identifies the alleged relationship between Chevron’s commercial energy business, IEC and Israeli military or settlement infrastructure as a material subject of shareholder scrutiny.¹⁷

Judicial proceedings

No public evidence identified of a final judicial decision holding Chevron liable for supplying Israeli weapons, military equipment or dedicated military fuel.

No public evidence identified of a verified Chevron-specific military export licence judicial review or criminal export-control enforcement proceeding involving Israel.

Civil Society Scrutiny & Documented Investigations

AFSC investigation

AFSC’s Chevron company profile identifies Chevron as a major natural-gas producer serving Israel and documents its ownership and operation of Tamar, Leviathan and associated gas transport infrastructure.¹

AFSC alleges that electricity produced from this gas supports military and security facilities and settlements through the national electricity network.^{1, 2}

AFSC’s 2026 campaign fact sheet discusses the same commercial energy relationships, the East Mediterranean Gas pipeline and the broader implications of Chevron’s continued production and exports.¹⁸

The documented end-user mechanism is indirect electricity supply through civilian infrastructure rather than an independently established Chevron–IDF military procurement contract.^{1, 2}

Petroleum supply-chain investigations

Oil Change International published an investigation in March 2024 examining the countries, companies and supply chains responsible for crude oil and refined petroleum products delivered to Israel.¹²

Its August 2024 follow-up reported tracking 65 crude-oil and petroleum-product shipments delivered between 21 October 2023 and 12 July 2024, including shipments dispatched after the International Court of Justice’s January 2024 provisional-measures order.¹³

These publications identify Chevron among companies connected to the upstream petroleum supply chain and distinguish that exposure from direct military-grade fuel supply contracts.^{12, 13}

Organised boycott activity

The BDS Movement’s published Chevron campaign chronology records the launch of a boycott campaign in October 2022, followed by consumer boycott calls concerning Chevron, Caltex and Texaco in January 2023.¹⁹

AFSC maintains a public Boycott Chevron campaign directed at the company’s Israeli natural-gas and pipeline operations.²⁰

Ethical Consumer’s published boycott register independently records the Chevron campaign and attributes its launch to the BDS National Committee.²¹

Mennonite Action publicly identifies Chevron among companies targeted by its Complicit Corporations campaign and calls for Chevron to end relevant Israeli government and fossil-gas industry contracts.²²

On 20 November 2025, the United Methodist General Board of Church and Society announced that its directors had joined the Chevron boycott campaign, expressly linking the decision to the company’s Israeli energy operations and the military occupation of Palestine.²³

These campaigns concern Chevron’s contribution to Israel’s energy system and alleged effects on the occupation and military economy; the cited campaign publications do not by themselves establish a direct weapons-manufacturing relationship.^{19, 20, 23}

Shareholder scrutiny and constructive notice

The April 2025 SEC-hosted shareholder notice demonstrates that Chevron’s Israel-related energy activities and associated human-rights allegations were formally raised through shareholder advocacy after the 19 July 2024 ICJ advisory opinion and the November 2024 ICC arrest warrants.¹⁷

Chevron’s ongoing Leviathan investment was confirmed by NewMed’s January 2026 announcement, establishing continuation of the underlying commercial energy operations after both dates.⁴

The November 2025 Methodist boycott announcement provides additional evidence of public criticism during the same period.²³

These dated records establish notice, criticism and continued operations; they do not establish that a court or regulator determined Chevron had violated international law.^{4, 17, 23}

Corporate response

In a letter dated 22 July 2025, Chevron Corporate Secretary and Chief Governance Officer Mary A. Francis responded to a February 2025 communication from United Methodists for Kairos Response concerning Chevron’s Israeli business activities.²⁴

The response stated that Chevron “in no way participates in or contributes to the armed conflict in Gaza” and denied involvement in West Bank violence, settlement activity or violations of human-rights and humanitarian law.²⁴

Chevron characterised its activities as general energy provision to civilian populations in Israel, Egypt and Jordan and cited its Human Rights Policy and compliance with applicable laws.²⁴

The response is a documented corporate denial of the allegations and is recorded separately from the civil-society organisations’ assessments.²⁴

Documented operational continuation

On 16 January 2026, NewMed announced the Leviathan consortium’s final investment decision and a planned increase in annual gas production capacity, with expected project completion in 2029.⁴

Industry reporting in February 2026 connected this expansion to long-term regional gas export commitments, including the Egyptian market.¹⁶

The continued investment is documented commercial activity in Israel’s energy sector; the reviewed expansion disclosures do not identify a dedicated military customer or military procurement contract.^{4, 16}

Chevron funding of Derech Eretz pre-military academy in Ashkelon. November 2024 reporting published by Ynet on behalf of Chevron Mediterranean Limited confirms that Chevron supported the establishment of a new Derech Eretz pre-military academy in Ashkelon following October 2023. The report identifies the academy as one of several community projects supported through Chevron’s additional social-investment budgets for communities affected by the war. Derech Eretz independently confirms that its Ashkelon academy opened in 2024, operates a ten-month preparatory programme, and explicitly prepares participants for meaningful service in the Israel Defense Forces. The organisation also provides mentoring and support to graduates during their military service. The evidence establishes direct Chevron corporate support for an institution engaged in military-service preparation, although the precise financial contribution, payment mechanism and any military-specific conditions attached to Chevron’s support are not publicly quantified in the reviewed sources.^{25, 26, 27}

Chevron and Leviathan consortium support for the Alon Center for Returning to Civilian Life. The Alon Center’s official website independently confirms that its programme was launched and operates with assistance from the companies participating in the Leviathan natural-gas reservoir partnership. The website identifies Chevron, NewMed Energy and Ratio Energies through partner logos. The centre provides professional assistance to Israeli military reservists transitioning out of reserve service, including individual case management, needs assessments, administrative assistance and referrals to relevant services. Its published operating model explicitly involves cooperation with military units at battalion and brigade levels, with programme staff engaging military units near the end of reserve deployments. This establishes documented Chevron-associated consortium support for a programme serving military personnel and coordinating with military institutions. The available disclosure does not specify Chevron’s individual contribution or establish that the consortium directly finances operational military activities, weapons procurement or combat deployments.²⁸

BDS consumer boycott chronology - primary-source discrepancy. The BDS Movement’s official Chevron campaign chronology places its consumer boycott call targeting Chevron, Caltex and Texaco petrol stations in January 2023. However, the movement’s separately published, explicitly dated statement, “BDS movement Calls for a Consumer Boycott of Chevron-branded gas stations,” is dated 29 January 2024. That statement distinguishes the original 2022 Chevron campaign, previously focused on divestment, from the subsequent escalation to consumer boycotts targeting the three petrol-station brands. The contemporaneously dated publication therefore supports 29 January 2024 as the verifiable date of the explicit three-brand consumer boycott announcement. This qualifies the existing Military statement under “Organised boycott activity”, which reports January 2023, and supports the Political date of 29 January 2024. The discrepancy within BDS’s own primary publications remains unresolved: the retrospective chronology gives January 2023, while the identifiable consumer boycott announcement carries a 2024 publication date. Neither source establishes that the 2024 announcement was originally published in January 2023.^{19, 29, 30}

Derech Eretz academy - confirmation from Chevron-origin and institutional disclosures. A Hebrew-language article published by Ynet and explicitly identified as sponsored content supplied on behalf of Chevron Mediterranean Limited confirms that the company supported the establishment of Derech Eretz’s new pre-military academy in Ashkelon following October 2023. The article identifies the academy among community initiatives supported through additional corporate social-investment budgets allocated after the outbreak of the war. Derech Eretz independently confirms that it opened its Ashkelon campus in 2024, initially accommodating 25 participants in a ten-month programme preparing young people for military service. The organisation describes its activities as combining pre-military preparation, leadership development, education and community volunteering. These primary disclosures confirm the existing Military finding of direct Chevron corporate support for establishing the academy and correct Political’s characterisation of the relationship as unverified. They establish support for an institution preparing prospective military recruits, but do not disclose the precise monetary value, payment arrangements, contractual conditions or whether any contribution was restricted to specifically military-oriented training activities.^{25, 26}