CrowdStrike POLITICAL

Corporate Communications & Public Stance

• CrowdStrike’s February 2024 threat-report executive summary contains a section titled “2023 Israel-Hamas Conflict: Cyber Operations Focus on Disruption and Influence,” describing cyber operations tracked since the conflict began, including disruption and influence activity and wipers targeting Israeli or Israel-linked entities ¹.

• The report presents this material as threat intelligence rather than a humanitarian or political statement of support, a donation announcement, or a call for action concerning the conflict ¹.

• No public evidence identified of CrowdStrike providing free services, cloud credits, logistics, infrastructure, or other crisis-period assets to Israeli state, military, or state-aligned organizations after October 2023.

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed material of a CrowdStrike public position on Israel-Palestine beyond its threat-intelligence reporting.

Operations in Occupied or Contested Territories

• CrowdStrike’s FY2026 filing states that the company conducts business internationally, expressly including Israel ².

• CrowdStrike’s latest subsidiary exhibit identifies CrowdStrike Israel R&D Ltd. and A.S. Adaptive Shield Ltd. as Israel-incorporated subsidiaries ³.

• CrowdStrike’s FY2025 filing identified Flow Security Ltd., CrowdStrike Israel R&D Ltd., and Bionic Stork, Ltd. as Israel-incorporated subsidiaries ⁴.

• CrowdStrike reported acquiring 100% of Bionic Stork, Ltd. on September 28, 2023, and 100% of Flow Security Ltd. on March 26, 2024 ⁴.

• CrowdStrike announced that its Flow Security acquisition would add data-security-posture-management and runtime data-security capabilities to the Falcon platform ⁵.

• CrowdStrike announced an agreement to acquire Bionic for application-security-posture-management capabilities, while contemporaneous Calcalist reporting described Bionic as an Israeli cybersecurity company with Tel Aviv and Palo Alto offices ^{6, 7}.

• Flow Security Ltd. and Bionic Stork, Ltd. appeared in the FY2025 subsidiary exhibit but not the FY2026 exhibit, and the reviewed filings do not establish whether either entity was dissolved, renamed, merged, or omitted under SEC subsidiary-disclosure rules ^{3, 4}.

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed sources of CrowdStrike equipment, contracts, service delivery, subsidiaries, or authorized resellers operating in Israeli settlements, East Jerusalem, the West Bank, or the Golan Heights.

• The supplied document-scoped full-text checks did not identify CrowdStrike in the 2023 OHCHR settlement-business database or in UN Human Rights Council report A/HRC/59/23, which does not establish absence from all settlement-related activity ^{8, 9}.

Internal Governance, Content & Retail Policies

• CrowdStrike is a cloud-delivered cybersecurity company whose platform covers endpoints, cloud workloads, identity, and data, and whose stated mission is to “stop breaches” ².

• The reviewed materials do not identify a consumer retail operation, content-distribution platform, or retail-policy framework comparable to those maintained by consumer-facing companies ².

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed sources of policies, disciplinary action, litigation, regulatory findings, union records, or shareholder resolutions concerning CrowdStrike’s treatment of Israel-Palestine-related employee speech.

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed sources of a CrowdStrike platform-moderation policy or content policy specifically governing Israel-Palestine-related material.

Brand Heritage & State Partnerships

• CrowdStrike Holdings, Inc. is a Delaware-incorporated holding company formed on November 7, 2011, with operations conducted through subsidiaries including CrowdStrike, Inc. ².

• The company’s current principal executive office is listed as 206 E. 9th Street, Suite 1400, Austin, Texas 78701 ².

• CrowdStrike’s Israeli footprint reflected in the filings consists of commercial subsidiaries and acquired cybersecurity entities, rather than a disclosed Israeli state partnership ^{3, 4}.

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed sources of a CrowdStrike contract with the Israeli Ministry of Defense, Israel Defense Forces, Israeli police, Israeli intelligence bodies, or Project Nimbus.

• In July 2023, the U.S. Defense Information Systems Agency granted CrowdStrike Falcon SaaS a one-year U.S. Department of Defense provisional authorization at Impact Level 5, which concerns U.S. DoD deployment and is not evidence of an Israeli government or military contract ¹⁰.

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed sources of a primary procurement record, tender, reseller-mediated deployment, or support contract connecting CrowdStrike or Bionic to Israeli state, military, settlement-municipality, or settlement-linked bodies.

Lobbying, Advocacy, Financing & Logistics

• CrowdStrike’s Q4 2023 federal lobbying disclosure reported $150,000 in lobbying expenses and listed cybersecurity, AI and cybersecurity, workforce matters, FY2024 Department of Defense appropriations, the Cyber Safety Review Board, Executive Order 14110, and Veterans Affairs cybersecurity modernization as issues ¹¹.

• That filing did not identify Israel, Palestine, BDS, foreign aid, settlements, or related regional policy as a lobbying issue ¹¹.

• CrowdStrike’s definitive 2026 proxy states that the CrowdStrike Foundation is managed through a donor-advised fund at Charities Aid Foundation and that company-linked giving, matching, and other efforts supported more than 400 nonprofits globally during FY2026 ¹².

• The proxy does not identify recipient organizations for that giving, so Israel- or Palestine-linked charitable support cannot be inferred from the disclosure ¹².

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed materials of CrowdStrike financing, logistics, political contributions, or charitable grants connected to Israeli state, military, settlement, or conflict-related entities.

• The supplied report-specific checks did not identify CrowdStrike in the cited Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, Al-Haq, PAX, or BDS Movement materials, which is not a general finding that no allegation or campaign exists ¹³.

Corporate Structure & Primary Mission

• CrowdStrike Holdings, Inc. is the Nasdaq-listed parent registrant, while the FY2026 filing states that its business operations are conducted through subsidiaries ².

• The FY2026 subsidiary exhibit lists entities in the United States, United Kingdom, India, Germany, Australia, Spain, Canada, Singapore, and Israel ³.

• As of April 3, 2026, CrowdStrike’s definitive proxy disclosed Vanguard Capital Management as beneficial owner of 7.27% of Class A common stock and BlackRock, Inc. as beneficial owner of 6.70%, with no Class B shares outstanding ¹².

• The same proxy reported that executive officers and directors as a group beneficially owned 4,262,065 shares, or 1.67% of Class A common stock ¹².

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate filings of a state-held share, golden-share arrangement, parent company above CrowdStrike Holdings, Inc., or a disclosed shareholder holding 10% or more.

Executive & Leadership Footprint

• George Kurtz is CrowdStrike’s founder, President, chief executive officer, and director, roles the definitive 2026 proxy states he has held since November 2011 ¹².

• Gerhard Watzinger serves as Chairman, and the board listed in the definitive 2026 proxy includes Johanna Flower, Denis J. O’Leary, Godfrey R. Sullivan, Roxanne S. Austin, Sameer K. Gandhi, Cary J. Davis, George Kurtz, and Laura J. Schumacher ¹².

• CrowdStrike’s FY2026 filing identifies Burt W. Podbere as chief financial officer and Michael Sentonas as President, and states that there are no family relationships among directors or executive officers ².

• The definitive proxy identifies Kurtz as Chairman and a board member of the CrowdStrike Foundation since November 2017 ¹².

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed sources of Israel- or Palestine-related donations, affiliations, statements, or state and military relationships by Kurtz, other named executives, or current directors.

Research limitations and qualification

The preceding leadership absence wording is limited by incomplete research: the accountability memo did not retrieve principal-level grant schedules, primary political-contribution records, or equivalent donor and affiliation records. It must not be read as a finding that qualifying principals made no relevant donations, statements, investments, or affiliations. The reviewed proxy does not disclose the recipients of company-linked giving ¹².

The comparative public posture on Ukraine, BLM, COVID and Palestinian civilian harm remains unresolved in this audit. The research memo does not provide the source comparison needed to draw a conclusion.

Dated cross-domain reconciliation

A report published by The Jerusalem Post on 11 June 2026 identifies George Kurtz as an investor in Aryon Security’s $25 million Series A round and describes Aryon’s founders as veterans of the IDF Center for Encryption and Information Security. This is a reported personal investment by the current CrowdStrike founder/CEO, not evidence in that report of a donation, political endorsement, military-welfare funding or Israeli military procurement. No personal investment amount or current primary financing record was established in the captured material; these points remain unresolved ¹⁴.

The reported investment qualifies the earlier broad leadership absence wording. Its military supply implications were not established, and any political advocacy or funding purpose remains unresolved; former service of the investee’s founders alone does not establish either ¹⁴.

Direct inspection of identified records

The CrowdStrike Foundation, EIN 82-1515943, filed Form 990-PF returns for calendar years 2023 and 2024. Part I line 25 reports zero contributions, gifts and grants paid in both returns, and the recipient tables contain no paid-grant entries. The $1,611 (2023) and $1,511 (2024) qualifying disbursements are administrative expenses: allocated bank fees plus California fees in the attached schedules, not recipient grants. This resolves the missing grant-schedule check for these two returns only ^{15, 16}.

CrowdStrike’s current official foundation page separately describes grants managed through a donor-advised fund at Charities Aid Foundation America and invitation-only proposals. It supplies no recipient schedule; the two zero-grant private-foundation returns do not establish what the separately described donor-advised-fund arrangement paid, nor any principal’s private giving ¹⁷.

Aryon’s official About page identifies George Kurtz as a backer. Its own resource pages display both a $29 million Series A announcement and a $25 million Series A headline naming Kurtz, each dated 10 June 2026. Both describe a Series A amount, not Kurtz’s personal contribution; the directly inspected pages do not reconcile the difference or disclose his amount, vehicle, stake or any political/military purpose. The round amount therefore remains unresolved rather than selecting the lower or higher figure as definitive ^{18, 19, 20}.

Current U.S. lobbying and political-contribution coverage remains incomplete. Direct requests to the previously identified LDA search and Q4 2023 filing URLs returned access-denied responses on 11 September 2026; this is an access limitation, not a substantive absence. The FEC guide explains access to individual contribution records but supplies no CrowdStrike-specific result. No current filing-set or principal contribution conclusion is drawn from these attempts ^{11, 21, 22}.

Official public-portal follow-up, 11 September 2026

Browser retrieval resolved the earlier LDA HTTP access limitation. The CrowdStrike client search returned 55 in-scope filings for filing years 2024–2026 through Q2 2026: 53 quarterly reports/amendments and two registrations. A separate CrowdStrike registrant search produced no additional in-scope filings. The reviewed specific-issue descriptions concern cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, privacy, federal appropriations and authorization measures, and congressional inquiries into the July 2024 incident. No public evidence identified of an explicit Israel-, Palestine-, BDS-, settlement-, foreign-aid- or military-welfare-related lobbying issue in those descriptions; this is a finding about the named filing set and issue text, not undisclosed lobbying or all provisions of referenced legislation ^{23, 24}.

Official FEC Schedule A queries for 1 January 2024–30 June 2026, split into reporting cycles, returned zero matching rows for the submitted names Gerhard Watzinger, Michael Sentonas and Burt Podbere. George Kurtz name searches returned records with unconfirmed identity; they are not attributed to CrowdStrike’s founder. The 2025–June 2026 Kurtz result was only partially retrieved. Subsequent named-principal queries were rate-limited by the public demo API, and no complete principal contribution or company-committee absence finding is made ^{25, 26, 27}.

Examiner-requested source reconciliation, 12 September 2026

The FY2026 proxy names Operation Motorsport Foundation, Center for Infrastructure Assurance and Security, India STEM Foundation, Big Brothers Big Sisters, Junior Achievement, Cyber Texas and BRDG to Connect among more than 100 nonprofits supported through philanthropic investments. It separately states that the broader foundation, corporate-directed giving, matching and other efforts supported more than 400 nonprofits. These examples do not form a complete recipient schedule, and the reviewed disclosure does not identify an Israeli state, military-welfare, settlement, political, or Israel/Palestine advocacy body among the named examples ¹². No conclusion is drawn about the undisclosed recipients or the separate donor-advised-fund allocation.

After the prior rate-limit window, an official FEC committee-name query for the submitted name CrowdStrike returned zero rows. This is limited to that submitted committee name and does not establish that no differently named or affiliated committee exists ²⁸. A following Schedule A query using reported employer CrowdStrike returned an HTTP 429 response under the shared demo-key quota, so it supplies no contribution result ²⁹. No personal donation or political-support inference is made from the incomplete principal queries, ambiguous Kurtz namesakes, or unavailable employer result.

Aryon’s official About page identifies Kurtz as a backer, while its operating-team list does not give him an officer, director, adviser, or employee role. The two official funding pages do not disclose his amount, vehicle, stake, board right, or political purpose. Their descriptions of the company and its founders do not establish that Kurtz advocated an Israel/Palestine position or funded a state, military-welfare, settlement, or political body ^{18, 19, 20}.