Google

Key Findings

• Digital: Project Nimbus provides Google Cloud and AI services to Israeli government customers including defence and security bodies. IAI and other manufacturers are listed in the procurement framework, which does not prove a Google-specific purchase; the framework has been reported to contain minimal use restrictions.^{1, 2, 3}
• Economic: Google completed its $32 billion acquisition of Israeli cloud-security company Wiz in March 2026, while maintaining Israeli cloud, R&D, and data-centre operations.^{4, 5, 6}
• Political: Google reportedly signed a $45 million Israeli-government advertising contract administered through the Prime Minister’s office; Google’s employee donation-matching programme has also been reported to match donations to FIDF, HaYovel, and IsraelGives.^{7, 8}
• Not found: No public evidence identified that Google manufactures weapons, munitions, military vehicles, heavy machinery, or provides base-logistics services to Israeli forces.⁹

Target Profile

Key Facts:

• Google Israel Ltd. and Google Cloud Israel Ltd. are registered Israeli entities; Google’s current Israeli headquarters is reported at Electra Tower, Tel Aviv.⁶
• Google’s Israel cloud region, me-west1, opened in October 2022.⁵
• Google’s June 2013 Waze acquisition announcement stated that the development team would remain in Israel; that announcement alone does not establish current staffing.¹³

Executive Summary

Google’s documented Israel/Palestine nexus is principally a cloud, artificial-intelligence, data-infrastructure, commercial-investment, and state-services relationship. The central record is Project Nimbus: a 2021 Israeli-government cloud and AI contract awarded jointly to Google and Amazon, reported at approximately $1.2 billion. Audit evidence identifies defence/security users and framework-listed bodies including the Ministry of Defense, Shin Bet, Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI), and the Israel Land Authority. Framework inclusion does not establish an individual purchase from Google; a separate March 2024 draft agreement shows Google consulting for the Ministry of Defense to expand cloud access for multiple units and automation technologies.^{1, 2, 14}

The strongest documented vector is digital infrastructure. Reporting on contract materials states that Google’s Nimbus offerings included facial detection, automated image categorization, object tracking, sentiment analysis, and AI/ML tools. Internal and investigative reporting further describes limited Google visibility into state use of the services and contract provisions limiting Google’s ability to restrict migrated systems or impose ordinary acceptable-use controls.^{2, 3, 15} Israeli government customers reportedly sought expanded Vertex AI access after October 2023, and later sought Gemini access for document, audio, and aerial-footage-related tasks. The latter object-recognition matter is an unresolved whistleblower allegation; Google disputes its characterization and describes the interaction as routine support with limited usage.¹⁶

Economic exposure is also substantial. Google operates an Israeli cloud region and data-centre footprint, has long maintained Israeli R&D operations, and completed its $32 billion acquisition of Wiz in March 2026. The acquisition made Wiz a wholly owned Google business; the audit records that Wiz’s four founders had served in Unit 8200, while cautioning that such biography alone does not establish Google responsibility for Unit 8200 conduct.^{4, 5, 17} Google also has documented investments and partnerships in Israeli cybersecurity and AI firms, as well as a major planned Tel Aviv office lease.^{6, 18}

The evidence does not support characterization of Google as a weapons manufacturer, military-vehicle supplier, heavy-machinery company, or military-logistics contractor. Nor does it establish that Google directly operates an Israeli autonomous target-generation system, that its models were trained on Israeli military interception data, or that its services directly support particular weapons-production programmes. Google’s strongest defence is that its relevant services are civilian, general-purpose cloud and AI products; it disputes allegations concerning particular military-AI uses and has stated that it does not evade legal obligations.^{9, 16, 19}

Google’s reviewed V6.5 result is 924, Tier A (Extreme Complicity). Nimbus governs the digital domain as the rubric’s sovereign cloud backbone, with a notice adjustment for documented continuation. Current Israeli R&D governs ECON. Reported corporate matches to named military-welfare and settlement recipients govern POL; the recipients’ whole fundraising totals are not attributed to Google. MIL remains zero because no qualifying physical supply is established.^{1, 3, 6, 8}

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

Alphabet Inc. is a Delaware-incorporated, publicly traded parent company of Google. Its stated corporate mission is general commercial information organization; the audit found no public evidence that its charter, ownership structure, or founding documents subordinate it to the geopolitical objectives of Israel or another state.¹⁰

Google’s documented Israeli operational footprint includes Google Israel Ltd. for commercial and R&D activity and Google Cloud Israel Ltd. for cloud operations. It maintains a Tel Aviv headquarters, operates an Israel cloud region, and has documented data-centre facilities at Petah Tikva, Modi’in, and Bnei Zion. A further site near Beit Yehoshua has been reported in planning. Available reporting places the documented data-centre sites within internationally recognised Israeli territory, rather than in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, or the Golan Heights.^{5, 6, 25}

Google’s Israeli technology presence also includes the acquired Waze business and, since March 2026, Wiz. The Wiz acquisition is the company’s largest acquisition to date. The audits document the founders’ Unit 8200 backgrounds, but do not treat military-service biographies as evidence of a direct Google role in Unit 8200 activities.^{4, 17}

The principal state relationship is Project Nimbus. The framework provides Google Cloud services to Israeli governmental customers, including security and defence bodies and state-linked entities. Its inclusion of IAI, Rafael, and Elta as mandatory framework customers establishes cloud-services availability and procurement-framework inclusion; it does not establish purchases from both cloud suppliers, individual purchase values, or direct support for a specific weapon system.^{1, 26}

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

No qualifying physical military supply is established. Project Nimbus is the principal military-facing relationship described in the audits, and its cloud/AI outcome is scored in Digital rather than Military. Israel’s Finance Ministry announced the Google/AWS award in 2021 as covering the defence establishment and other government customers. The audit identifies the Ministry of Defense, IDF, Shin Bet, Israel Police, Israel Prison Service, IAI, Rafael, and Elta within the documented government/security framework.^{1, 26}

A March 2024 draft agreement shows the Ministry of Defense procuring Google consulting to establish or expand a Google Cloud “landing zone,” enabling cloud storage, processing, automation technologies, and access to AI services for multiple units.¹⁴ Post-October-2023 internal records reported by the audit describe requests for expanded Vertex AI access and later Gemini access by Israeli defence users.¹⁶

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Google is not documented as manufacturing weapons, munitions, aircraft, drones, armored vehicles, missiles, or other strategic platforms. No public evidence identified that it provides food, fuel, transport, freight, waste, or facilities services to IDF bases.⁹

Nimbus provides cloud and AI infrastructure, not physical weapon components. Although IAI and Rafael are framework-listed entities, available evidence does not establish whether Google infrastructure directly supports weapons design, testing, manufacture, or deployment. The reported Gemini aerial-footage matter is based on a whistleblower complaint; Google denies the characterization and says the support was routine and limited.^{16, 26}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Israeli Ministry of Defense: Nimbus customer; reported March 2024 draft Google Cloud consulting/landing-zone agreement.¹⁴
• IDF / Israeli security agencies: Identified Nimbus-related government users; audit records expanded AI-access requests.^{1, 16}
• IAI, Rafael, Elta: Mandatory Nimbus procurement-framework entities where cloud computing is needed; direct weapons-programme use is not established.²⁶
• Lockheed Martin: Google Cloud announced national-security AI collaboration, but no evidence establishes application to Israeli-destined systems.²⁷

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

Google’s highest-scoring documented domain is digital infrastructure. Project Nimbus provides cloud and AI capabilities to Israeli state customers. Audit evidence states that Google briefed officials on facial detection, automated image categorization, object tracking, and sentiment analysis through the Nimbus AI/ML offering.¹⁵ Reporting also identifies Google Photos facial-matching functionality as being used in an Israeli mass biometric-surveillance programme in Gaza; Google described Photos as a widely available free consumer product and did not provide substantive comment on the reported deployment.²⁸

The audit records Google Play hosting Al Munasseq, an application associated with COGAT and the Israeli Civil Administration’s permit regime. Who Profits describes data collection involving Palestinian geolocation and biometric access information, while the Play listing documents app availability.²⁹

Google also operates Israel-located cloud infrastructure. Contract reporting cited in the audits indicates that Google had very limited visibility over government use, that the Israeli state was not subject to ordinary restrictions on migrated service types, and that the state retained unusually broad contract-change powers. The Special Rapporteur’s A/HRC/59/23 report separately names Alphabet among corporate actors providing cloud and AI infrastructure in this context.^{3, 30}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence identified that Google itself operates a Lavender-, Gospel-, or Habsora-type Israeli autonomous target-generation system, or that Google’s own models were trained on Israeli military intercepted-communications or surveillance datasets.³¹ The documented flow is primarily outward: Google Cloud tools are made available to Israeli government customers.

The CloudEx/Gemini aerial-footage issue remains an allegation in a federal whistleblower complaint, not a judicial or regulatory finding. Google disputes that its conduct constituted meaningful military-AI deployment or a policy violation.¹⁶ Google also reportedly withdrew from a Pentagon drone-swarm AI contest after internal ethics review, a countervailing data point not establishing a change to Nimbus.³²

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Project Nimbus: Israeli-government cloud and AI framework with reported limitations on Google’s use restrictions and visibility.^{1, 3}
• Ministry of Defense / Israeli security customers: Recipients of cloud and AI access under the documented framework.^{14, 16}
• COGAT / Israeli Civil Administration: Operator associated with the Al Munasseq Google Play application.²⁹
• Wiz: Israeli cloud-security company acquired by Google in 2026; founders’ Unit 8200 service is documented, but does not itself prove downstream conduct by Google.^{4, 17}

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

Google’s economic relationship includes ongoing Israeli operations, cloud infrastructure, acquisitions, investments, leasing, and government contracting. Google Israel Ltd. and Google Cloud Israel Ltd. are registered entities; Google has an Israeli R&D and cloud presence, including its Tel Aviv cloud region and documented data centres.^{5, 6, 25}

Google completed the $32 billion Wiz acquisition in March 2026. The audit also documents CapitalG leading a $140 million Series D round in Israeli API-security firm Salt Security, without a disclosed individual contribution, Google participation in AI21 Labs’ 2023 funding round, and the 25 June 2024 signed lease for approximately 60,000 square metres at ToHa2, scheduled to commence in Q1 2027 subject to construction completion.^{4, 18, 33, 34}

Project Nimbus is a material economic relationship with the Israeli state. Internal projections reported in the audit suggested $3.3 billion in Israeli cloud revenue between 2023 and 2027; this is a projection, not disclosed realised revenue.³⁵

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence identified of Alphabet directly holding Israeli sovereign bonds or Israel-focused investment funds. Alphabet has not publicly disclosed a country-level Israel revenue figure in SEC filings.³⁵

The audited ToHa2 arrangement predates the July 2024 advisory opinion and is a signed lease with a planned future commencement, not proof of a completed relocation.³⁴ Wiz’s February 2024 disclosure of more than 900 worldwide employees does not establish a current Israel-only workforce.³⁶ Similarly, participation in a funding round does not establish Google’s contribution to later unclosed funding rounds.^{18, 33}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Google Israel Ltd. / Google Cloud Israel Ltd.: Registered operational entities.⁶
• Wiz: $32 billion completed acquisition; Israeli cloud-security business.⁴
• Salt Security: CapitalG-led Series D investment documented by CapitalG.¹⁸
• AI21 Labs: Google participated in its August 2023 Series C; later-round claims remain unverified in the supplied evidence.³³
• Israeli government: Counterparty to Project Nimbus.¹

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

Google’s political and public-policy nexus is documented through government advertising, corporate communications, platform practices, worker-governance disputes, donation matching, and state-linked technology relationships. Reporting describes a $45 million contract with LAPAM to distribute Israeli government messaging through YouTube and Display & Video 360; reports characterize the campaign using the Israeli government term “hasbara.”⁷ This is a commercial advertising contract; the audit does not establish that Google authored the advertisements’ content.

December 2024 reporting describes Google-funded matches to employee donations directed to FIDF and HaYovel, with IsraelGives also available through the programme. The first two named-recipient findings are the political score’s basis.⁸ Google stated that its long-running programme covers more than 200,000 eligible organizations and that Benevity vets eligibility.⁸ The reviewed record does not identify a later policy change removing those organizations. It does not quantify Google’s matches, verify a recipient-specific multi-year programme, or trace Google funds to HaYovel equipment purchases. Broad charity eligibility alone would not establish an actual corporate match.

The audit also records worker protests and governance disputes over Nimbus, including the 2024 sit-ins and firings, a related NLRB matter closed after withdrawal without a merits decision, and a separately reported federal retaliation case allowed to proceed beyond Google’s motion to dismiss at the cited stage.^{21, 37, 38}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence identified that Google lobbied specifically for anti-BDS or Israel-boycott legislation. Google operates a federal PAC, but the audit does not establish Israel-specific lobbying from that fact alone.³⁹

No public evidence identified that Google or Alphabet appears in the OHCHR settlement-business database, despite Alphabet being separately named in the Special Rapporteur’s report. The audit likewise found no verified personal donations by Pichai, Page, Brin, or Porat to FIDF, JNF, or settlement-support organizations, and no documented board/advisory affiliations with named pro-Israel advocacy organizations.^{30, 40}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• LAPAM / Prime Minister’s office: Reported counterparty for the $45 million advertising contract.⁷
• Benevity: Administrator of Google’s employee donation-matching programme.⁸
• No Tech for Apartheid: Worker campaign opposing Nimbus; source of protests and public demands, not an official company body.²¹
• Sundar Pichai: Documented October 2023 employee communication and relief announcement.^{11, 20}
• Sergey Brin: Reportedly criticized the UN and rejected the term genocide in an internal 2025 discussion; this is a distinct controlling-principal statement under the rubric and does not establish endorsement of every Israeli military action.¹²

Complicity Index Score

Method: V6.5.

• V_MAX: 10.00 Avg_OTHERS: 5.43
• BRS Score: 924 Tier: A (Extreme Complicity)

DIG10/8.3/9 follows the express Nimbus backbone anchor9.5 plus the minimum.5 constructive-notice adjustment, capped at10; M8.3 reflects multi-year systemic infrastructure and P9 direct provision. ECON7.4/9.5/9 reflects continuing core R&D, its own decades-long presence and direct group operation. The separate Wiz purchase does not supply the R&D scenario’s magnitude or establish actual Israeli tax receipts. POL8.9/7/9 applies the rubric’s Direct Financing rule to reported corporate-funded matches to named FIDF and HaYovel recipients. M7 is the named-channel act’s scale, not the whole global programme or recipients’ total fundraising; no particular equipment purchase or sustained recipient-specific expansion is established. The six-month LAPAM contract and Brin statement are separately disclosed scenarios. MIL0 preserves the physical/digital boundary.^{1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 12}

Methodology Note

• Evidence is limited to the four supplied domain audits and their cited source record.
• The assessment is evidence-only: Impact reflects documented activity type, M reflects scale, and P reflects directness.
• Divested, exited, or discontinued operations are mitigating rather than treated as present-tense operations; no such mitigating exit from Nimbus was publicly identified in the audited record.
• Entity attribution is specific: biographies, investments, vendors, and framework inclusion do not create transitive guilt or establish direct operational involvement.
• Settlement-linked operation may be assessed in both Economic and Political where the same documented activity has distinct economic and political dimensions.
• “No public evidence identified” is used where audit checks found no supporting public record; it does not prove an activity is impossible.