Israir POLITICAL

Target: Israir Group Ltd. and Israir Airlines and Tourism Ltd.

Evidence cutoff: 25 October 2026.

Scope: Corporate communications, occupied-territory operations, internal governance, state relationships, political financing, logistics, corporate ownership, and leadership activity.

Corporate Communications & Public Stance

Official statements and public communications

On 2 November 2023, Israir publicised an aircraft displaying the message #BringThemHome with a yellow ribbon to draw attention to Israelis held hostage following the 7 October attacks; the company described the initiative as part of its support for efforts to secure their return.¹

On 11 January 2024, Israir announced that its flight crews would invite passengers to participate in prayers on 14 January, marking 100 days since the October 2023 hostage-taking; the company also announced a temporary yellow-ribbon message on its booking website.²

On 7 October 2024, Israir announced commemorative aircraft branding, seat-cover messages, passenger announcements, employee ribbons, and website changes marking the first anniversary of the attacks; its published message expressed support for hostages, injured people, bereaved families, and IDF soldiers.³

On 10 November 2024, Israir marked 400 days of captivity with in-flight announcements; a company message reported by IAS expressed support for the hostages’ return and for IDF soldiers and security forces.⁴

On 12 October 2025, Israir announced that an aircraft had been illuminated in yellow and that flight crews would make special announcements associated with the anticipated return of hostages; the company also thanked Israeli security and rescue personnel.⁵

Comparative public posture

In March 2025, Israir publicly promoted its commercial growth and expansion in Greece, with Chief Executive Uri Sirkis attending an Athens International Airport awards ceremony; this establishes a contemporaneous example of its ordinary commercial messaging.⁶

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate announcements and investor-relations material of an equivalent Israir campaign addressing Palestinian civilian casualties or of a sufficiently documented Ukraine-related statement to support a systematic comparison between conflicts.^{1, 2, 3, 7}

Market framing

Israir’s investor-relations archive published annual and periodic financial disclosures throughout 2025–2026, presenting the company through the reporting structure of a listed commercial airline and tourism group.⁷

The Israel Airports Authority identifies Israir as an airline operating under IATA code 6H, with domestic and international passenger services and ground handling provided by Laufer Aviation-GHI.⁸

In September 2024, Israir described its activities in terms of operating scheduled flights, maintaining fares on selected routes, and returning travellers to Israel during disruptions caused by security conditions.⁹

Operations in Occupied or Contested Territories

Territorial presence

The Israel Airports Authority’s operational listing identifies Israir as a passenger airline but provides no evidence of a company-operated branch, airfield, or other physical facility in an Israeli settlement in the occupied Palestinian territory.⁸

No public evidence identified in the reviewed airline records, investor disclosures, and specialist database resources of Israir itself operating settlement airports, settlement retail premises, or scheduled services to an identified West Bank settlement.^{7, 8, 10, 11}

Related-shareholder settlement activities

Rami Levy is separately identified as a substantial shareholder of Israir Group in contemporary 2026 shareholder records.¹²

A stakeholder account published by the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs describes the separate Rami Levy supermarket business operating stores in Barkan, Ma’ale Adumim, and Gush Etzion, and presents the stores as places of commerce involving both Israeli and Palestinian customers.¹³

[pre-2020] On 16 December 2015, the New York Jewish Week reported on a Rami Levy supermarket at Gush Etzion Junction in the West Bank, describing its proximity to Israeli settlements, employment of Israeli and Palestinian workers, and history of boycott calls; the article does not establish whether the same operational arrangements remain in place in October 2026.¹⁴

[pre-2020] A November 2015 Jerusalem Post report described a threatened boycott of Rami Levy supermarkets by a settler group demanding that Arab employees no longer be hired; the report concerns the supermarket business and does not establish a policy adopted by Israir.¹⁵

Corporate attribution

Israir’s reported substantial shareholder relationship with Rami Levy establishes a connection to the individual associated with the separate supermarket enterprise, but the shareholder record does not identify the supermarket branches as assets or subsidiaries of Israir.^{12, 13}

On 6 August 2026, Israir acquired 10% of Rami Levy Club Ltd., according to financial disclosures by Rami Levy Hashikma Marketing and Isracard; this establishes a separate commercial relationship involving the customer-club business.^{16, 17}

The examined transaction disclosures do not identify the 10% purchase as an acquisition of West Bank supermarkets, settlement land, or settlement-property assets.^{16, 17}

Legal and regulatory scrutiny

The UN Special Rapporteur’s report A/HRC/59/23, published on 2 July 2025, examines corporate activities associated with Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territory; no verified company-specific finding naming Israir was established in the examined report.¹⁸

The AFSC Investigate methodology describes a database focused on companies with documented relationships to Israeli military occupation and related human-rights issues; that methodology page does not independently establish Israir’s inclusion.¹⁰

Who Profits describes its corporate database as covering companies commercially involved in the Israeli occupation economy; its general database information does not independently establish an Israir-specific listing.¹¹

No public evidence identified in the reviewed UN material and specialist research resources of a settlement-related court judgment, UN database entry, or regulatory penalty expressly imposed on Israir.^{10, 11, 18}

Civil-society campaigns and boycott history

[pre-2020] The December 2015 New York Jewish Week report documented boycott calls associated with the separate Rami Levy supermarket business and its West Bank operations; the historical relationship’s current operational extent was not established by that article.¹⁴

The Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs account also describes Palestinian boycott activism directed at Rami Levy supermarket branches in settlement areas.¹³

No public evidence identified in the reviewed specialist database resources of a named, sustained international boycott campaign specifically directed at Israir Airlines rather than at the separate Rami Levy retail business.^{10, 11}

Internal Governance, Content & Retail Policies

Employee relations and political expression

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate disclosures and dated company announcements of Israir dismissing, disciplining, or initiating litigation against employees specifically for expressing support for Palestinians or opposing Israeli government policy.^{7, 19}

No public evidence identified in the reviewed material of a formal Israir employee policy prohibiting Palestinian symbols, Palestinian flags, or Gaza-related political speech.^{7, 19}

In February 2026, Israir announced special commercial cancellation arrangements for serving soldiers and reservists, including full-value future travel credits in specified circumstances; the announcement concerns passenger entitlements rather than employee military-leave remuneration.¹⁹

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate disclosures of an Israir reservist salary-subsidy programme or a quantified employer contribution to military leave.^{7, 19}

Platform and editorial policy

The official airport listing identifies Israir’s principal relevant services as air transport and related passenger booking, rather than operating a general-purpose social-media or editorial publishing platform.⁸

No public evidence identified in the reviewed airline and investor-relations sources of an Israir content-moderation system suppressing Palestinian-related material or of regulatory proceedings concerning such moderation.^{7, 8}

Retail and supply-chain practices

No public evidence identified in the reviewed Israir financial disclosures and airline publications of a formal company policy concerning the labelling or retail sale of products originating in Israeli settlements.^{7, 8}

The Rami Levy supermarket business discussed in historical settlement-related reporting is associated with an Israir shareholder; the reviewed evidence does not establish that Israir controls the supermarket chain’s product-labelling decisions.^{12, 14}

Brand Heritage & State Partnerships

Marketing and political messaging

In November 2023, Israir used the #BringThemHome message and yellow-ribbon imagery on an aircraft as part of a publicly announced hostage-awareness campaign.¹

In October 2024, Israir used aircraft branding, employee accessories, passenger announcements, and website communications to commemorate the October 2023 attacks and support the return of hostages.³

In October 2025, the airline illuminated an aircraft in yellow as another public expression of support for returning hostages.⁵

Military and defence heritage

The Israel Airports Authority identifies Israir as a civilian airline and lists its airport operational arrangements; the examined listing contains no claim that the airline was founded as a military or defence-manufacturing enterprise.⁸

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate reporting and official airline material of Israir marketing itself primarily as a defence contractor or military-equipment supplier.^{7, 8}

State relationships and institutional activities

On 18 October 2023, Israir transported representatives of Israeli hostage and missing-person families to Cyprus for meetings with senior Cypriot government officials; the company provided airport assistance to the delegation.²⁰

In November 2023, Israir’s discounted-flight initiative was announced against the background of Israeli Transport Ministry and Finance Ministry arrangements supporting travel for evacuated residents and hostage families.²¹

A public government-budget record documents the extension in October 2024 of Israeli state support for flights serving evacuated residents and relevant families travelling to and from Eilat, with an additional allocation of NIS 1.4 million; the decision concerns an airline-support programme and does not independently establish a particular payment to Israir.²²

In June 2025, Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs included Israir among airlines identified for emergency return-flight arrangements during Operation Rising Lion.²³

On 13 March 2025, Uri Sirkis represented Israir at an Athens International Airport event where the airline received recognition for commercial passenger growth; the report identifies a commercial aviation award rather than a political or military honour.⁶

Formal cultural and academic sponsorships

No public evidence identified in the reviewed company announcements and financial materials of Israir formally sponsoring a state-directed public-diplomacy campaign, a settlement university, or a state-security academic programme.^{6, 7}

Lobbying, Advocacy, Financing & Logistics

Political lobbying and organised advocacy

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate disclosures, shareholder information, and specialist research resources of an Israir corporate PAC, an Israel-Palestine-specific lobbying expenditure, or a formal corporate leadership position in AIPAC, CFI, or another named geopolitical advocacy organisation.^{7, 10, 12}

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate disclosures and specialist resources of Israir financing a campaign to oppose settlement boycotts or legislation restricting settlement trade.^{7, 10, 11}

Financial contributions and military-related benefits

On 9 November 2023, Israir announced NIS 99 flights between Tel Aviv and Eilat for eligible groups that included IDF soldiers, relatives of evacuated residents, caregivers, and other support personnel; the announcement establishes a discounted commercial offer to military personnel among other beneficiaries.²¹

The November 2023 announcement also stated that Israir was examining possible Eilat–Hatzerim services, in consultation with relevant authorities including military bodies, to assist agricultural workers displaced from communities near Gaza; it did not state that the proposed service had already commenced.²¹

In September 2024, Israir announced that it was working to assist regular-service soldiers, career military personnel, and reservists while maintaining scheduled services and helping stranded Israeli travellers.⁹

In November 2024, Israir publicly expressed support for IDF soldiers and security personnel in a company message associated with the 400-day hostage commemoration.⁴

In February 2026, Israir announced that reservists holding emergency call-up orders and regular-service soldiers presenting appropriate documentation could cancel qualifying bookings in return for credits valid for two years.¹⁹

These reported arrangements establish company-provided benefits or assistance associated with military personnel, but the examined announcements do not disclose their aggregate cost, the number of military beneficiaries, or any military procurement contract.^{9, 19, 21}

Donations to military-welfare or settlement organisations

No public evidence identified in the reviewed Israir announcements and financial materials of a quantified direct Israir donation to the IDF, FIDF, JNF/KKL, Regavim, Im Tirtzu, a settlement organisation, or a named military-welfare foundation.^{7, 9, 19}

The reviewed evidence establishes discounted airline services and public statements supporting military personnel, but provides insufficient information to categorise those services as transfers to a military-welfare charity or as payments under a defence procurement agreement.^{9, 19, 21}

Crisis mobilisation and logistical assistance

On 18 October 2023, Israir transported representatives of hostage and missing-person families to Cyprus for meetings with government officials.²⁰

On 2 November 2023, Israir described its discounted domestic flights and medical-personnel assistance as part of an initiative supporting families and communities affected by the conflict.¹

On 29 September 2024, Israir announced approximately 50 flights for that day, stated capped one-way fares on selected Larnaca and Athens routes, and described arrangements to return students stranded in Poland.⁹

The September 2024 statement also referred to assistance for serving soldiers and reservists but did not specify a military unit, a military cargo consignment, or an IDF-chartered aircraft.⁹

In June 2025, the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs identified Israir as one of the airlines involved in emergency return-flight arrangements during a period of military escalation.²³

Continuation after international legal developments

Following the International Court of Justice’s July 2024 advisory opinion, Israir continued publicly documented support-related communications and assistance programmes, including its September 2024 military-personnel assistance statement and October 2024 commemorative campaign.^{3, 9}

Following the International Criminal Court’s November 2024 arrest-warrant decisions, Israir continued public hostage-related messaging, including the October 2025 aircraft illumination and acknowledgement of Israeli security personnel.⁵

The February 2026 policy announcement establishes a further post-November-2024 company measure specifically addressing soldiers and reservists as passengers.¹⁹

Settlement-related financing and sponsorship

No public evidence identified in the reviewed Israir financial disclosures of company sponsorship of a West Bank settlement event or a direct corporate donation to a settlement organisation.^{7, 16, 17}

The August 2026 acquisition of an interest in Rami Levy Club Ltd. establishes a financial relationship with a separate customer-club company but does not, on the evidence disclosed, establish investment in settlement property or settlement infrastructure.^{16, 17}

On 30 December 2021, Shalom Haim made documented public statements advocating changes to Israeli government housing and land-development policy. In a published Arutz 7 interview, speaking in his capacity as a property developer and head of Taaman Real Estate, he argued that Israeli authorities should substantially increase housing supply, establish a more professionally independent planning body, transfer certain planning and development responsibilities to private developers, and provide incentives for construction in economically weaker areas. He also proposed allowing developers to undertake infrastructure construction in exchange for reduced land prices. These constitute attributable, state-facing public-policy positions communicated through a media interview during his Israir controlling-principal tenure. Although the same interview establishes Taaman’s commercial activity in Ma’ale Adumim, Haim did not expressly frame these planning-policy proposals as demands for West Bank settlement expansion or as positions concerning Palestinian territorial or political rights.²⁴

January 2021–25 October 2026 - no public evidence identified: searches of English- and Hebrew-language reporting, Taaman’s corporate publications, available Israir ownership disclosures and Haim’s identified public interview did not establish that Haim personally held leadership office in an Israel/Palestine political-advocacy organisation, made an attributable public commitment to an Israeli government or political party concerning Palestinian territories, supported a specific campaign restricting Palestinian political rights, or participated in suppressing Palestinian solidarity advocacy. The identified interview concerns housing, planning and commercial development; it does not provide evidence of such conduct. This finding is limited to the accessible material reviewed and does not establish that no private activity occurred.^{24, 25, 26}

Corporate Structure & Primary Mission

Corporate form and reporting

Israir Group Ltd. is a listed company with an investor-relations archive publishing annual and interim financial information, including the 2025 annual report submitted in March 2026.^{7, 27}

The company’s 2025 annual report identifies Mordechai (Moti) Hazan as chairman and Uri Eliezer Sirkis as chief executive.²⁷

Israir is separately identified by the Israel Airports Authority as a civilian passenger airline with IATA code 6H and domestic and international flight operations.⁸

Shareholders and control

Contemporary 2026 ownership information identifies Shay Odem Ltd. as holding approximately 36.51% of Israir Group shares and Rami Levy as holding approximately 20.65%.¹²

Globes’ shareholder information independently lists Shay Odem Ltd. at 36.51% and Rami Levy at 20.65%; these are contemporary reported positions and do not establish identical historical holdings.²⁸

MarketScreener also identifies Clal Pension & Provident Funds Ltd. and Analyst Provident Funds Ltd. among Israir Group’s institutional shareholders.¹²

Commercial group relationships

In May 2026, agreements were signed involving Israir, Rami Levy Hashikma Marketing, Rami Levy Club Ltd., and Isracard concerning Israir’s entry into the customer-club business and an extension of the associated commercial agreement.^{16, 17}

According to the disclosures, the transaction became effective on 6 August 2026, with Israir acquiring 10% of Rami Levy Club Ltd.; the corresponding post-transaction interests included 72% for Rami Levy and 18% for Isracard.^{16, 17}

Foundational mandate

The reviewed annual-report filing, investor-relations archive, and official aviation listing present Israir as a commercial aviation and tourism enterprise.^{7, 8, 27}

No public evidence identified in those records of a state-held golden share, an explicit corporate-charter obligation to advance Israeli territorial policy, or a foundational mission requiring support for settlement expansion.^{7, 8, 27}

Primary transaction disclosures confirm 12 August 2026 as the date on which the Rami Levy Club agreement entered into force. Israir Group’s official stock-exchange announcement dated 13 August 2026, titled “Entry into Force of the Rami Levy Club Agreement” (כניסת הסכם מועדון רמי לוי לתוקף), explicitly states that the share-purchase agreement was completed and the new club agreement entered into force on 12 August 2026. It distinguishes this from the company’s earlier announcement of 6 August 2026 (reference 2026-01-074260), which concerned satisfaction of the conditions precedent. Rami Levy Hashikma Marketing’s subsequent interim report independently confirms that shareholder approval occurred on 6 August and the agreements became effective on 12 August. This confirms the 12 August date stated in Economic and corrects the existing Political statement under “Commercial group relationships” that the transaction became effective on 6 August 2026. It also identifies a discrepancy with Isracard’s interim financial statements, which report 6 August as the effective date.^{29, 30, 17}

Israir Group’s 13 August 2026 primary disclosure provides direct, subsequent confirmation of transaction completion, resolving the evidentiary gap created by relying on the 29 May 2026 announcement in existing End Note 16. The announcement explicitly states that the share-purchase agreement was completed on 12 August 2026. Read together with Rami Levy Hashikma Marketing’s interim financial report, which identifies the purchased interest as 10% of Rami Levy Club Ltd. and the resulting ownership distribution as 72% Rami Levy, 18% Isracard and 10% Israir, this confirms the completed acquisition and the parties’ respective interests. The evidence confirms the existing Political statements under “Corporate attribution” and “Commercial group relationships” that Israir acquired a 10% stake, while correcting their implied completion date from 6 August to 12 August 2026. The 29 May disclosure establishes the original agreement; the 13 August disclosure independently establishes its subsequent completion.^{29, 30, 16}

Executive & Leadership Footprint

Rami Levy - substantial shareholder

Contemporary shareholder information identifies Rami Levy as the holder of approximately 20.65% of Israir Group shares.^{12, 28}

[pre-2020] A December 2015 New York Jewish Week article describes Rami Levy’s separate supermarket business operating in the Gush Etzion settlement area and employing Israelis and Palestinians; the article does not establish the present-day status of every branch.¹⁴

The Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs publishes Rami Levy’s account of the supermarket business’s West Bank activities, including its position that the stores provide shared commercial opportunities for Israelis and Palestinians.¹³

[pre-2020] November 2015 reporting described pressure from a settler group for the supermarket chain to stop employing Arab workers; the report establishes the existence of that demand, rather than adoption of the demanded policy by Israir or by the supermarket company.¹⁵

The August 2026 transaction involving Rami Levy Club Ltd. demonstrates a commercial connection between Israir and a further business associated with the Rami Levy name.^{16, 17}

No public evidence identified in the reviewed shareholder records and contemporaneous Israir financial disclosures of a personally funded donation by Rami Levy, acting in his individual capacity as an Israir shareholder, to a named military-welfare or settlement organisation.^{12, 16, 17}

Uri Eliezer Sirkis - chief executive

Israir’s March 2026 annual report identifies Uri Eliezer Sirkis as chief executive.²⁷

On 13 March 2025, Sirkis attended an Athens International Airport ceremony at which Israir presented its commercial growth strategy and received an airline-growth award.⁶

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate and aviation-industry materials of Sirkis personally financing the IDF, FIDF, settlement bodies, or an anti-BDS lobbying organisation.^{6, 7, 27}

No public evidence identified in those records of Sirkis holding a formal board position in an organisation principally dedicated to advocacy concerning Israeli settlement policy.^{6, 7, 27}

Mordechai (Moti) Hazan - chairman

The 2025 annual report, dated 22 March 2026 and published in the company’s investor-relations archive on 23 March 2026, identifies Mordechai (Moti) Hazan as chairman of Israir Group.^{7, 27}

No public evidence identified in the reviewed annual-report and investor-relations materials of personal donations by Hazan to a named military-welfare fund, settlement organisation, or Israel-Palestine-specific lobbying body.^{7, 27}

Shay Odem Ltd. - substantial shareholder

MarketScreener and Globes identify Shay Odem Ltd. as a substantial shareholder holding approximately 36.51% of Israir Group in 2026.^{12, 28}

No public evidence identified in the reviewed shareholder disclosures of a specific political donation, settlement sponsorship, or military-welfare grant directly attributable to Shay Odem Ltd.^{12, 28}

Executive philanthropy, public advocacy and board affiliations

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate reports and specialist research material of an Israir executive-controlled charitable foundation making a documented grant to FIDF, JNF/KKL, Regavim, or a specified settlement institution.^{7, 10, 27}

No public evidence identified in those records of a verified executive board appointment at AIPAC, CFI, or a named organisation operating a campaign against Palestinian solidarity activism.^{7, 10, 27}

No public evidence identified in the reviewed materials of a named Israir executive publicly endorsing the establishment or expansion of a particular West Bank settlement in an attributable company capacity.^{7, 13, 27}

During Shalom Haim’s documented Israir controlling-principal tenure beginning in January 2021, publicly available evidence identifies a separate, Haim-controlled business with operations in an Israeli settlement industrial zone in the occupied West Bank. Taaman Food Marketing Ltd.’s official website identifies Haim as its chairman and owner and gives its business address as 9 Azmona Street, Mishor Adumim Industrial Area. Gush Shalom’s settlement-products database independently lists Taaman Food Marketing Ltd. as operating in Mishor Adumim, while Who Profits identifies the industrial zone as situated within the municipal boundaries of the Ma’ale Adumim settlement in the occupied West Bank. This establishes a documented settlement-related commercial footprint through an identified Haim-controlled enterprise. It does not establish the ownership or acquisition date of the premises, the value of Haim’s investment, any donation to settlement organisations, or financing by Israir itself.^{31, 32, 33}

On 30 December 2021, during his Israir controlling-principal tenure, Haim publicly acknowledged property-development activity in Ma’ale Adumim through Taaman Real Estate. In an interview with journalist Yosef Ehrenfeld published by Arutz 7, Haim described the company’s residential and commercial development activities in Jerusalem and surrounding communities, expressly including Ma’ale Adumim. Speaking as the owner and chairman of the Taaman businesses, he described these locations as the company’s established operating territory. The interview provides direct, attributable evidence of Haim’s involvement in commercial property development in an Israeli West Bank settlement during his Israir tenure. It does not identify specific project investment amounts, establish the dates of individual property acquisitions, or demonstrate that Israir financed the developments.^{24, 34}

January 2021–25 October 2026 - no public evidence identified: searches covering Shalom Haim, Taaman Food Marketing, Taaman Real Estate and Shay Odem, using English and Hebrew combinations of donations, philanthropy, IDF, soldiers, military-welfare organisations, settlement organisations and political financing, did not identify an accessible, attributable record of Haim personally donating to the IDF, FIDF, JNF/KKL, Regavim, Im Tirtzu or another specified military-welfare or settlement-advocacy organisation during his Israir controlling-principal tenure. The established settlement-related business operations are commercial activities and do not independently prove charitable contributions, political donations or military financing.^{31, 32, 24, 25}