Stanley Black & Decker - Military Audit

Direct Defence Contracting & Procurement

No public evidence identified of any contract, tender, framework agreement, or memorandum of understanding between Stanley Black & Decker and the Israeli Ministry of Defense, the IDF, the Israel Prison Service, or the Israel Border Police. No public evidence identified of Stanley Black & Decker appearing in SIBAT (Israel’s Defence Export & Defence Cooperation Directorate) directories or listings. No public evidence identified of press releases or trade-press reporting describing defence cooperation or joint ventures between the company and Israeli defence entities. Stanley Black & Decker maintains a commercial presence in Israel, including a LinkedIn-listed Israel subsidiary page ¹, an investment in an Israeli wireless-charging company reported by Calcalist ², and a registered Israeli operating entity, “The Stanley Works Israel Ltd.,” located in Migdal HaEmek per supplier and business-directory records ³⁴ - but none of these commercial footprints constitutes or evidences a defence-procurement relationship.

Dual-Use Products & Tactical Variants

No public evidence identified of ruggedised or mil-spec DEWALT or Stanley product variants marketed to, or confirmed sold to, Israeli security forces specifically. No public evidence identified of export licence applications, end-user certificates, or export-control reviews tied to sales to Israeli defence or security end-users. Stanley Black & Decker’s Stanley Infrastructure division manufactures hydraulic breakers and hammers used globally in demolition, trenching, and quarrying applications ⁵, representing a commercial dual-use-adjacent heavy-tool product line in principle, but No public evidence identified connects this product line to tactical or military variants procured by any state actor, Israeli or otherwise.

Heavy Machinery, Construction & Infrastructure

Stanley Black & Decker operates “Stanley Infrastructure,” described in trade sourcing as a leading manufacturer of excavator-mounted hydraulic breakers and hammers used in demolition, trenching, and construction contexts worldwide ⁵. No public evidence identified linking Stanley Infrastructure hydraulic breakers, or any other Stanley Black & Decker heavy equipment, to documented demolition, checkpoint, separation-barrier, or settlement-construction activity in the West Bank, Golan Heights, or Gaza.

A distinct settlement-linked nexus was identified through the company’s brand-licensing relationship rather than direct operations. Keter Plastic (Keter Group), a privately owned Israeli company headquartered in Herzliya, is licensed to sell certain plastic home, garden, and storage products under the “Black & Decker” brand name, including “B&D Storage Building,” “SpaceRite Cabinets,” and Workmate-branded storage containers ⁶⁷; this is a branding/licensing arrangement and not Stanley Black & Decker ownership or operational control of Keter. Keter and its then-subsidiary Lipski operated a manufacturing facility in the Barkan Industrial Zone, a settlement industrial park in the West Bank attached to the Ariel settlement and established in 1981–1982 on land from the Palestinian villages of Haris, Bruqin, and Sarta ⁶⁸⁹. In 2014, Keter denied to European NGOs that it operated in occupied territory as defined by the UN; on 21 March 2014, Who Profits researchers documented two Keter trucks in the yard of a Barkan factory, contradicting that denial ⁷⁸. By November 2016, Who Profits found visual evidence that Keter had ceased operating in the West Bank, and later boycott-campaign sources corroborate that Keter exited or relocated its Barkan-area operations between 2014 and 2016 under boycott pressure ¹⁰⁸¹¹. During the period of settlement operation, Keter’s product labelling did not distinguish “Made in Israel” products manufactured in the Barkan settlement from those made in pre-1967 Israel ⁶. No independent, current (2023–2025) Who Profits or NGO documentation reassessing Keter’s status was identified; the Who Profits company profile itself remains dated to 17 December 2014 ⁷. No public evidence identified of Stanley Black & Decker holding a direct contract for construction or maintenance of checkpoints, detention facilities, military bases, the separation barrier, or settlement infrastructure.

Supply Chain Integration with Defence Primes

No public evidence identified of a supply relationship - components, sub-systems, raw materials, or specialist manufacturing - between Stanley Black & Decker and Elbit Systems, Israel Aerospace Industries, Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, or IMI/Elbit Land. No public evidence identified of joint development, co-production, or technology-transfer/licensed-manufacturing agreements between Stanley Black & Decker and Israeli defence firms.

Logistical Sustainment & Base Services

No public evidence identified of Stanley Black & Decker providing catering, transport, fuel, waste management, facilities maintenance, or telecom services to IDF bases, training facilities, or detention centres in the West Bank, Golan Heights, East Jerusalem, the Negev, or elsewhere. No public evidence identified of shipping, freight-forwarding, or port-handling contracts specifically servicing Israeli defence logistics or military cargo.

Munitions, Weapons Systems & Strategic Platforms

No public evidence identified of Stanley Black & Decker acting as a prime or licensed manufacturer of small arms, artillery, armoured vehicles, drones, or naval vessels for Israeli forces. No public evidence identified of supply of ammunition, ordnance, propellants, or munitions precursor materials to Israeli defence end-users. No public evidence identified of any role in Iron Dome, David’s Sling, Arrow, or other Israeli strategic/missile-defence platforms, fighter aircraft, tanks, or warships. No public evidence identified of supply of guidance electronics, fire-control systems, radar components, propulsion units, or warhead casings to Israeli end-users.

Export Licensing, Regulatory & Legal History

Stanley Black & Decker’s most significant documented export-control enforcement action is unrelated to Israel. In March 2019, the U.S. Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) settled with Stanley Black & Decker, Inc. and its Chinese subsidiary, Jiangsu Guoqiang Tools Co., Ltd., for $1,869,144 over 23 apparent violations of the Iranian Transactions and Sanctions Regulations ¹²¹³. The violations involved power-tool shipments valued at $3,201,647.73 exported or attempted for export to Iran between 29 June 2013 and 30 December 2014, involving falsified bills of lading and instructions to customers to omit “Iran” from shipping documentation ¹³¹⁴. The company self-disclosed the conduct, and OFAC classified the case as “egregious,” requiring internal-controls, audit, and training commitments as part of the settlement ¹⁵¹⁴. This matter concerns Iran sanctions exposure via a Chinese subsidiary and has no identified Israel nexus.

No public evidence identified of any export licence grant, denial, suspension, or revocation specifically tied to Israeli military or security end-users, in any jurisdiction. No public evidence identified of arms-embargo or Israel-specific sanctions-compliance investigations or enforcement actions against the company. No public evidence identified of court proceedings, judicial reviews, or legal challenges regarding a Stanley Black & Decker–Israel defence supply relationship.

Separately, as a matter of corporate-structure history relevant to regulatory scope, Stanley Black & Decker completed the sale of its Security business (Commercial Electronic and Healthcare Security segment) to Securitas AB for $3.2 billion, announced 8 December 2021 and completed 22 July 2022 ¹⁶¹⁷. This business line, which historically could have carried access-control or surveillance-adjacent products, exited the corporate group over a year before 7 October 2023 and is therefore not part of the current entity’s product portfolio.

Civil Society Scrutiny & Documented Investigations

Stanley Black & Decker’s name, or its “Stanley Works,” “DEWALT,” “Craftsman,” “Irwin,” or “Black & Decker” brand names, does not appear in any accessible excerpt of the OHCHR Business & Human Rights settlement database, whether the 2020 list of 112 enterprises (A/HRC/43/71) or the September 2025 update covering 158 enterprises ¹⁸¹⁹²⁰. The company is likewise not named in the searchable portions of PAX’s “The Companies Arming Israel and Their Financiers” (June 2024), where full-text checks for “Stanley,” “Black & Decker,” “DEWALT,” “Craftsman,” and “Keter” returned no matches ²¹. No direct company-name match for Stanley Black & Decker was found in the advance edited version of Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese’s report A/HRC/59/23 (2 July 2025), though the underlying ~1,000-entity annex referenced in secondary coverage was not independently accessible to confirm absence definitively ²².

The only civil-society scrutiny identified connecting Stanley Black & Decker, via its Black & Decker brand, to the occupied Palestinian territories runs through the Keter Plastic licensing relationship: documented by Who Profits (2014) ⁷¹⁰, the Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East boycott factsheet (August 2024) ⁸, the United Church of Canada/UNJPPI factsheet (originally 2013, republished September 2024) ⁶, a boycott-campaign profile at Stop the Palestinian Genocide referencing an October 2024 Keter leadership change ¹¹, and MintPress News, citing a Presbyterian Church Israel/Palestine Mission Network factsheet ²³. These sources treat Keter, not Stanley Black & Decker, as the primary boycott target, with Black & Decker cited as a licensed brand carried by Keter’s settlement-linked manufacturing during 2013–2016.

No public evidence identified of an organised boycott or divestment campaign naming Stanley Black & Decker directly, as opposed to Keter, on defence-sector or occupation grounds. No public evidence identified of institutional pension-fund or sovereign-wealth-fund divestment decisions targeting Stanley Black & Decker on these grounds. No public evidence identified of a Stanley Black & Decker corporate statement, policy change, or end-use monitoring commitment specifically responding to civil-society pressure regarding Israel/Palestine.

End Notes