Capgemini POLITICAL

Target: Capgemini SE and relevant group entities Research date: 25 October 2026 Evidence period: Historical disclosures through October 2026 Scope: Corporate communications, territorial operations, internal governance, institutional relationships, lobbying, financing and executive conduct concerning Israel-Palestine.

Corporate Communications & Public Stance

Official position regarding Israel-Palestine

No public evidence identified of an official Capgemini SE statement explicitly endorsing Israeli military operations, Israeli settlements or the political objectives of either party to the Israel-Palestine conflict.

No public evidence identified of a company-wide statement announcing withdrawal from Israel, a suspension of Israeli military contracts or an embargo on business connected with Israeli settlements.

Comparative corporate communications - Russia and Ukraine

On 11 March 2022, Capgemini announced that it was exploring options to cease its Russian presence because prevailing circumstances prevented continuity of service delivery, while committing to respect employees’ rights and applicable legislation.¹

Capgemini’s July 2022 half-year financial communication recorded measures to support employees and their families in Ukraine, business-continuity arrangements and its intention to discontinue its Russian presence.²

The KSE Institute’s Leave Russia database separately records Capgemini’s March 2022 withdrawal announcement and categorises its Russian operations as suspended or reduced, demonstrating that the original statement and subsequent independent monitoring should be distinguished.³

In its 2025 corporate reporting, Capgemini continued to describe its activities through technology, artificial intelligence, engineering and business transformation, with no specific Israel-Palestine policy position established by the reviewed annual reporting material.⁴

Market framing and geopolitical context

Capgemini’s 2025 full-year results reported approximately €22.5 billion in group revenue, with geographical and business performance discussed through ordinary financial and operational reporting categories.⁵

Its September 2026 statement regarding Capgemini Government Solutions described the US federal government subsidiary through its customer base and financial contribution to the group, without identifying an Israel-related policy objective.⁶

Employee-union communications distinguished from management statements

On 12 December 2025, CGT Capgemini published “Stop Arming Israel”, criticising military-industry relationships and demanding greater protection for employees objecting to work associated with weapons systems; the publication represents the union’s position rather than an official statement by Capgemini SE management.⁷

In an October 2026 publication calling for strike action through 5 November 2026, CGT Capgemini continued demanding a conscientious-objection provision and explicitly linked that demand to its Stop Arming Israel campaign; this is further evidence of the union’s public position, rather than a management policy announcement.⁸

The 2021 Israel/Tel Aviv–Jaffa directory entry was part of a publicly distributed integrated annual report rather than an individually targeted statement. Capgemini’s investor archive identifies the report’s publication date as 19 May 2022 at 08:00 CET. The report remains retrievable from Capgemini’s corporate reporting domain, including the original country-contact page, as of 25 October 2026. The contemporaneous release date, investor-publication channel and surviving company-hosted PDF establish a public distribution mechanism and at least four years of subsequent digital availability. They do not establish print circulation, unique readers, downloads, geographic audience composition or the number of people who encountered the Israel entry.^{9, 10}

The character of the 2021 communication constrains its demonstrated significance. Israel appeared as one country in a wider international contact directory, accompanied by Tel Aviv–Jaffa and a telephone number, without an accompanying Israel-specific corporate policy statement or advocacy message. Its placement supports an inference of routine international business-location communication rather than a dedicated geopolitical campaign. The original report’s continued availability preserves a residual public association between Capgemini and Israel even after later annual reports abandoned the same directory format. The examined publication records provide no quantitative evidence establishing whether that association reached a substantial audience or attracted sustained attention.^{10, 9, 11, 12, 13}

Capgemini’s Russia communication had a broader documented publication footprint. The withdrawal announcement dated 11 March 2022 remains accessible through separate UK, French and US corporate news pages, with the US version displaying a publication date of 14 March 2022. These are multiple company-controlled geographic editions of the same underlying announcement, rather than evidence of three independent corporate decisions. Their continued online availability in October 2026 establishes persistence in the corporate news archive and distribution across at least three national website audiences. No readership, impressions or download figures were identified in those publications.^{14, 15, 16}

The Russia/Ukraine position was repeated through scheduled investor communications beyond the initial announcement. Capgemini’s first-quarter 2022 results, published on 28 April 2022, repeated the intention to discontinue its limited Russian presence while describing Ukrainian employee-safety measures and client-continuity arrangements. Its 28 July 2022 half-year results again confirmed that intention. The first-quarter release quantified combined Russia/Ukraine exposure as significantly below 1% of group revenue and workforce, while the half-year release similarly described exposure as well below 1%. These figures substantiate the limited operational scale of the affected business; they do not measure the audience or impact of the associated corporate communications. Repetition through financial-results channels demonstrates that the announcement remained relevant to formal investor reporting for several months.^{17, 18}

Capgemini’s 2022 Universal Registration Document subsequently incorporated Ukraine-related employee assistance, relocation logistics and business-continuity planning into its country-risk discussion. This extended the subject’s appearance from contemporaneous press and results communications into annual regulatory reporting. The documented sequence supports a sustained 2022 corporate response comprising a Russian service-continuity decision, employee-transition commitments, Ukrainian staff assistance and investor risk disclosure. It does not, without additional statements, establish an indefinite geopolitical advocacy position or prove that the company maintained the same public posture in subsequent years.^{19, 14, 17, 18}

The existing Political audit’s selective-silence finding rests on its already reviewed Capgemini corporate reporting and communications corpus, including the 2025 Chairman’s letter, 2025 full-year results and September 2026 Capgemini Government Solutions announcement. Those sources document corporate strategic, financial and government-sector communication without establishing an Israel-Palestine-specific management policy position. The Russia/Ukraine publications demonstrate that Capgemini has publicly addressed particular geopolitical disruptions when discussing service delivery, employees and financial exposure. This supports a comparison of documented communication choices, but does not establish that the situations were operationally equivalent, that Capgemini maintained a comprehensive policy of public comment on international conflicts, or that the absence of an identified Israel-Palestine statement represents endorsement of either party. The finding remains bounded by the existing reviewed corpus rather than a claim that no statement exists anywhere.^{4, 5, 6, 14, 17, 18}

Operations in Occupied or Contested Territories

Historical presence in Israel

Capgemini’s 2021 Integrated Annual Report, page 91, listed Israel among the group’s international country contacts and identified Tel Aviv–Jaffa; this establishes a reported Israeli contact or presence in 2021, while its operational status in October 2026 remains unverified.¹⁰

Operations in occupied Palestinian territory

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini-operated office, subsidiary, development facility, service centre or project physically located within an Israeli settlement in the West Bank, occupied East Jerusalem or occupied Golan Heights.

No public evidence identified of an identifiable Capgemini contract supplying settlement construction, settlement administration, settlement surveillance or settlement infrastructure.

Military and commercial supply-chain relationships

Capgemini publicly identifies itself as an engineering strategic supplier to Airbus under the EMES3 programme, supported by a multiyear Master Supply Agreement covering Airbus divisions and affiliates, including its defence and space activities.²⁰

Capgemini’s description of its Airbus relationship includes engineering and manufacturing engineering services across commercial, helicopter, defence and space business lines; the disclosure does not identify an Israeli end user or a specific Israeli military programme.²⁰

Capgemini also describes the Digital Assembly for Wing (DAWN) project as an Airbus-led manufacturing digitisation initiative involving Capgemini, CFMS, Cranfield University, Dassault Systèmes and the University of Sheffield, with applications involving sensors, digital twins, robotics and production processes.²¹

Capgemini identifies Dassault Systèmes as a strategic partner in digital engineering and product lifecycle management, including aerospace and defence applications; this documented partnership does not itself identify a contract with the Israeli Ministry of Defense or IDF.²²

Capgemini’s public technology-partner directory includes Thales under cybersecurity, establishing a declared commercial technology relationship while providing no specified Israeli military contract, value, procurement vehicle or deployment.²³

Legal and regulatory scrutiny

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini-specific court ruling, regulatory penalty or enforcement decision concerning business operations in Israeli settlements.

No public evidence identified establishing Capgemini’s inclusion in an OHCHR settlement-business database or a company-specific finding in UN report A/HRC/59/23.

Civil-society and boycott activity

On 12 December 2025, CGT Capgemini published an article supporting the Stop Arming Israel campaign and questioning Capgemini’s relationships with military-industry companies; its list of Thales, Naval Group, Safran, Airbus, Dassault, Exxelia, MBDA, KNDS-Nexter and Eurolinks expressly characterised these businesses as potential customers in the relevant passage.⁷

The original union publication urged a moratorium on relationships with businesses it considered implicated in the conflict and demanded a right of conscientious objection for employees assigned to military-related work.⁷

CGT Capgemini’s illustrated campaign archive separately lists “Stop Arming Israël” under December 2025, corroborating the union’s public campaign activity during that month.²⁴

The underlying Workers in Palestine campaign identifies itself as a coordination initiative arising from a call by more than 30 Palestinian trade unions and professional associations to stop military support for Israel.²⁵

In October 2026, CGT Capgemini again publicly called for an employee conscientious-objection provision, explicitly referring to Stop Arming Israel in its published demands; this documents continuation of the organised union campaign beyond December 2025.⁸

No public evidence identified from an independently admissible source confirming the precise date and text of the claimed February 2026 external republication by Stop Arming Israel France.

No public evidence identified of a corporate boycott decision, contract cancellation or formal management policy change directly attributable to the CGT Capgemini campaign.

Capgemini’s 2022 Integrated Annual Report, published on 16 May 2023, changed the presentation used in its 2021 report. The 2022 publication contains no identifiable Israel/Tel Aviv–Jaffa entry and does not reproduce the earlier international country-and-telephone directory. Its shorter format presents group activities and regional information without the previous detailed country-contact listing. This establishes discontinuation of that specific directory format in the immediately subsequent annual report, but does not establish withdrawal from Israel, termination of the underlying contact or a deliberate decision to remove Israel specifically.^{26, 27}

Capgemini’s 2023, 2024 and 2025 Integrated Annual Reports likewise use revised contact sections focused on corporate communications, investor information, careers, digital resources and publication credits. The examined 2023 page 85, 2024 pages 88–89 and 2025 pages 80–81 contain no Israel/Tel Aviv–Jaffa ordinary-market contact entry. The successive publications therefore establish that the specific 2021 international telephone-directory presentation was not maintained through the 2022–2025 reporting sequence. This is evidence of a change in publication format, rather than verified cessation of Israeli commercial activity.^{11, 12, 13}

Separate company-controlled material demonstrates that geographic identification of Israel continued after the 2021 directory. Capgemini Japan’s group introduction, dated February 2024 and available in a corporate-hosted November 2024 PDF, includes Israel in its Africa and Middle East country list on page 37, alongside Egypt, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Tunisia and the United Arab Emirates. The presentation identifies countries within the group’s international footprint. It is a subsequent ordinary corporate presentation of Israel as a geographic business location, although it supplies neither the earlier Tel Aviv–Jaffa telephone contact nor an independently verifiable measure of Israeli operational activity. The evidence therefore supports continuation of country-level market presentation into 2024 despite the change in annual-report contact directories.²⁸

A separate Capgemini UK Binding Corporate Rules document, published on the corporate website in January 2026, identifies Altran Israel Limited at 7 Rival Street, 6777840 Tel Aviv–Yafo, Israel. Its version history records updates to the company appendix in November 2023, October 2024 and November 2025. This establishes that an Israeli group entity and address remained represented in a company-controlled privacy-governance document whose entity list was updated through November 2025. The document’s stated purpose concerns personal-data protection and entities bound by the rules; it does not establish a customer-facing office, active commercial operations, staffing levels or continuation of the 2021 telephone contact. The privacy listing must therefore remain evidentially separate from ordinary-market communications and corporate registration records.²⁹

Internal Governance, Content & Retail Policies

Employee relations and political expression

In its December 2025 publication, CGT Capgemini reported that several employees had preferred to resign rather than work on components of weapons systems and called for employees to be able to invoke conscientious objection to military-related assignments; the individual cases and their circumstances were not independently verified in the examined records.⁷

In a February 2026 interview, a CGT Capgemini representative described the union’s opposition to government and arms-industry contracts and referred to discussions with workers from Thales and Safran; these statements constitute attributable union testimony.³⁰

In October 2026, CGT Capgemini repeated its demand for a conscientious-objection provision in a strike announcement, expressly referencing Stop Arming Israel; the demand does not establish that Capgemini management had adopted such a policy.⁸

No public evidence identified of a documented Capgemini disciplinary ruling, employment tribunal judgment or company-wide HR directive penalising employees specifically for expressing support for Palestine.

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini lawsuit against an employee union specifically concerning Palestine-related speech.

Content moderation and editorial controls

Capgemini’s disclosed commercial activities include consulting, technology, engineering and business operations services, while its public technology-partner directory identifies numerous enterprise technology vendors.²³

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini-operated public social-media platform, mapping platform or consumer app store whose content moderation or geographic labelling policies have been challenged specifically over Palestine.

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini-specific regulatory finding concerning suppression of Palestinian content, removal of pro-Palestinian applications or preferential moderation of Israeli government content.

Retail and supply-chain practices

No public evidence identified of Capgemini-specific retail labelling, sourcing or country-of-origin practices concerning products manufactured in Israeli settlements.

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini product-labelling enforcement action concerning Israel or the occupied Palestinian territory.

Military leave and charitable matching

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini Israeli employee policy providing additional employer-funded salary or bonuses specifically for military reservist duty.

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini employee matching programme funding the IDF, Friends of the Israel Defense Forces, JNF/KKL or Israeli settlement organisations.

Brand Heritage & State Partnerships

Corporate brand and defence-sector positioning

Capgemini’s corporate communications position the group as a provider of technology, engineering and business transformation services, including aerospace and defence capabilities.³¹

Capgemini’s engineering partnership with Airbus has historical roots described by the company as extending for more than three decades [pre-2020]; Capgemini’s later published EMES3 supplier relationship establishes continuing cooperation in the period covered by that announcement.²⁰

Capgemini’s 2025 announcement for the Dassault Systèmes 3DEXPERIENCE Forum identified the company as a Platinum sponsor and described a partnership involving digital engineering, industrial systems and manufacturing applications.³²

Capgemini’s published aerospace and defence material describes joint work with Dassault Systèmes on model-based systems engineering and the application of digital engineering methods to defence-sector manufacturing.³³

Government partnerships

On 1 May 2026, the Management Consultancies Association published a case study describing Capgemini Invent’s work with the UK Ministry of Defence on ADAPT, a procurement workflow platform initially developed with a commercial team from January 2025.³⁴

The case study identifies ADAPT as a means of standardising and automating procurement workflows for UK defence commercial teams; it does not identify any Israeli government customer or military end user.³⁴

State honours and Israeli institutional sponsorship

No public evidence identified of Capgemini receiving an Israeli state honour specifically connected with the Israel-Palestine conflict.

No public evidence identified of Capgemini sponsoring Israeli settlement conferences, settlement political organisations or state public-relations campaigns concerning Palestinian territories.

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini-funded Israeli military academy programme or state-aligned cultural campaign with an explicit Israel-Palestine advocacy purpose.

Lobbying, Advocacy, Financing & Logistics

Political lobbying and advocacy

No public evidence identified of Capgemini SE lobbying specifically for Israeli settlement expansion, anti-BDS legislation, military assistance to Israel or restrictions on Palestinian political advocacy.

No public evidence identified of an Israel-Palestine-specific corporate PAC contribution, lobbying expenditure or political advocacy grant attributable to Capgemini.

Financial contributions

No public evidence identified of a documented Capgemini SE corporate donation to the IDF, Friends of the Israel Defense Forces, Jewish National Fund/KKL, Israeli military reservist organisations or settlement-supporting foundations.

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini corporate sponsorship of an Israeli military-welfare fundraiser.

Defence-sector commercial relationships

Capgemini’s Airbus supplier statement identifies the EMES3 engineering framework and an established relationship with Airbus Defence and Space, but it does not disclose a specific Capgemini-funded Israeli military activity.²⁰

Capgemini’s technology-partner directory identifies Thales within its cybersecurity partner ecosystem without documenting an Israel-specific financial transfer or military deployment.²³

Capgemini’s enterprise aerospace and defence offerings include digital engineering, SAP-related manufacturing capabilities and other systems intended for regulated industrial environments; these materials establish the commercial offering rather than any identified Israeli end-use transaction.³⁵

Crisis asset mobilisation

No public evidence identified of Capgemini providing free computing infrastructure, logistics, transportation, cloud credits, equipment or other corporate resources directly to the IDF during the Gaza conflict.

No public evidence identified of Capgemini transferring corporate assets to organisations providing material support for Israeli settlement expansion.

Constructive-notice chronology

The December 2025 CGT Capgemini campaign occurred after the ICJ advisory opinion of 19 July 2024 and the ICC warrants issued in November 2024, documenting public labour opposition to defence-industry relationships during the later period.^{7, 24}

The May 2026 ADAPT case study and September 2026 Capgemini Government Solutions divestiture announcement document continuing defence and government-sector corporate activity after those dates, but neither examined disclosure identifies an Israeli military or settlement contract.^{34, 6}

CGT Capgemini’s October 2026 strike announcement again demanded conscientious-objection protections and explicitly referenced Stop Arming Israel, documenting continued union opposition after both international legal developments.⁸

Corporate Structure & Primary Mission

Legal structure and ownership

Capgemini SE is a French Societas Europaea whose shares trade on Euronext Paris under ticker CAP and ISIN FR0000125338; its investor disclosure records 169,928,671 shares at 31 December 2025.³⁶

Capgemini’s investor ownership disclosure identifies Amundi Asset Management, BlackRock, Crédit Agricole Corporate and Investment Bank and Massachusetts Financial Services Company as the parties known to hold more than 5% of its capital or voting rights at 28 February 2026.³⁶

The reviewed ownership disclosure does not identify a majority controlling shareholder or an Israeli state-held controlling interest.³⁶

Foundational purpose

Capgemini describes its commercial purpose in terms of technology-enabled business transformation, including artificial intelligence, cloud services, engineering and operational improvement.⁵

The 2025 annual-report material presents Capgemini’s strategic priorities through technology, innovation, services and commercial development rather than an identified mandate to advance Israeli state policy.⁴

No public evidence identified of a founding charter, golden-share arrangement or corporate constitutional provision committing Capgemini SE to an Israeli geopolitical objective.

Group and subsidiary attribution

Capgemini identifies Capgemini Engineering, Capgemini Invent and other business operations within its broader commercial capabilities, while the group’s public results consolidate its activities at group level.⁵

On 12 September 2026, Capgemini announced an agreement to sell Capgemini Government Solutions to ITC Federal, describing the subsidiary as serving US federal government customers; the announced agreement was subject to customary closing conditions.⁶

Capgemini stated that Capgemini Government Solutions represented 0.4% of 2025 group revenue and less than 2% of US revenue.⁶

No public evidence identified that this subsidiary had an Israeli governmental mandate or was established to support Israeli state policy.

Executive & Leadership Footprint

Controlling and influential principals

Capgemini’s board webpage identifies Paul Hermelin as Chairman and Aiman Ezzat as Chief Executive Officer, alongside directors including Jean-Marc Chéry, Patrick Pouyanné, Kurt Sievers, Lila Tretikov and other independent or employee-representative directors.³⁷

Capgemini’s 2025 integrated annual-report materials attribute the Chairman’s letter to Paul Hermelin and describe the group’s strategic direction through technology, innovation and artificial intelligence.⁴

Capgemini’s ownership disclosure identifies several institutional shareholders exceeding 5%, but does not establish that an individual founder, executive or family foundation holds majority control.³⁶

Personal donations and foundation financing

No public evidence identified of a verified personal donation by Aiman Ezzat or Paul Hermelin to the IDF, FIDF, JNF/KKL, Israeli settlement organisations or Israeli military-welfare funds.

No public evidence identified of a relevant grant from a foundation personally controlled by these executives to an Israeli military or settlement organisation.

No public evidence identified of an identified Capgemini controlling shareholder directing company funds to organisations financing Israeli settlement expansion.

Executive statements and political advocacy

No public evidence identified of an attributable statement by Aiman Ezzat or Paul Hermelin publicly endorsing the Israeli military campaign in Gaza or advocating settlement expansion.

No public evidence identified of a verified executive statement advocating restrictions on Palestinian humanitarian assistance or Palestinian political rights.

Board affiliations

No public evidence identified of a verified AIPAC, FIDF, JNF/KKL, Regavim or Im Tirtzu board position held by Aiman Ezzat or Paul Hermelin during the reviewed period.

No public evidence identified of a Capgemini director publicly representing the company in an Israel-Palestine-specific lobbying organisation.

Executive-directed crisis financing

No public evidence identified of a verified instruction by a Capgemini executive to provide corporate funds, services or infrastructure directly to Israeli military units or settlement organisations.