El Al

Key Findings

• Military: El Al acknowledged transporting medical and protective equipment for Israeli soldiers, including more than 30 tonnes across two early-war flights, and financial participation in a separate November 2023 shipment. Investigative reporting additionally alleges carriage of weapons and military components; those reports do not establish El Al as their manufacturer.^{1, 2, 3, 4}
• Economic: El Al maintains substantial Israeli aviation, catering, maintenance and cargo operations. Its 2025 revenue was approximately USD 3.476 billion, while the Israeli government’s Special State Share preserves specified security and minimum-capacity rights.^{5, 6}
• Political: The airline implemented “Stand with Israel” aircraft branding, reported fundraising benefiting military-welfare and civilian-relief organisations, and financed international travel by hostage-family representatives.^{7, 8, 9}
• Not found: No public evidence identified of El Al manufacturing weapons, supplying offensive cyber or military-targeting systems, or operating a named settlement facility. Passenger-data processing and statutory disclosure obligations do not establish continuous intelligence access or Israeli physical data residency.^{5, 10, 11, 12, 13}

Target Profile

Executive Summary

El Al’s documented nexus centres on its role as an Israeli commercial airline with substantial national infrastructure responsibilities. Its operations include passenger and cargo transportation, maintenance and catering, supported by controlled subsidiaries and investments. The Israeli government’s Special State Share protects specified security, ownership and aviation-capacity interests despite private control and public listing. The economic audit records approximately USD 3.476 billion in 2025 revenue and approximately USD 855 million in group payroll expenses.^{5, 6}

The clearest military evidence combines company acknowledgements with separately attributed investigative reporting. El Al announced special flights returning mobilised reservists in October 2023, subsequently provided military-personnel travel benefits, and acknowledged transporting medical and protective equipment for soldiers. Its corporate magazine confirms more than 30 tonnes across two early-war Boeing 787 flights and a separate November shipment partly financed by El Al. The Ditch reported additional carriage of F-35-related components, handguns and Elbit-related military cargo during 2023–2026. These reported consignments establish allegations concerning transportation, without establishing weapons manufacture, aircraft integration or a published El Al defence-procurement award.^{19, 1, 20, 21, 2, 22, 23, 3, 4}

The digital record establishes implemented passenger services and enterprise systems: Amadeus reservations and check-in, online and mobile transactions, defensive cybersecurity, cloud storage and backup. El Al also disclosed a statutory obligation to provide passenger and crew information following qualifying demands from competent Israeli authorities. That obligation does not establish particular transfers, continuous governmental access or the physical location of passenger databases. No public evidence identified of El Al supplying offensive cyber tools, military AI or a Nimbus cloud service.^{10, 24, 11, 12, 13}

Political involvement includes implemented “Stand with Israel” aircraft branding, commercial voucher fundraising benefiting military-welfare and civilian-relief organisations, military travel benefits, and financed international advocacy travel by hostage-family representatives. The strongest defence is that these activities include civilian relief, medical assistance, family welfare and hostage-release advocacy. Historical campaign implementation must also be distinguished from current activity: the aircraft sticker’s complete duration and the final closure dates of all voucher-campaign extensions remain unresolved.^{1, 25, 7, 26, 8, 9, 27, 28}

No public evidence identified of a named El Al settlement facility, settlement-specific revenue stream or verified OHCHR settlement-database entry. The fixed, human-vetted V6.6 outcome is BRS 872, Tier A (Extreme Complicity). That classification reflects the supplied scoring framework; it is not a judicial determination of liability for the reported activities.

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

El Al is an Israeli public corporation established in 1948, with its principal operations at Ben Gurion Airport. Its 2025 group structure identifies Sun d’Or International Airlines and TAMAM Aircraft Food Industries as wholly owned subsidiaries, El Al Frequent Flyer as 75%-owned, Cockpit Innovation as 80.9%-owned, and Air Consolidators Israel as a 50%-held cargo-sector investee with specified governance rights. Borenstein Caterers is also wholly owned, but the holdings chart does not identify it as an Israeli food-manufacturing operation.^{5, 17}

These percentages are dated disclosures. The 2024 ESG report gives approximately 80.1% for the frequent-flyer subsidiary; that earlier figure should not be substituted into the 2025 ownership chart. Cockpit’s investments in startups likewise do not establish El Al control over every underlying portfolio company.^{5, 17, 34}

Ownership records contain an unresolved primary-source discrepancy. The 2024 annual financial statements report Kanfei Nesharim’s year-end holding as approximately 48.56%, whereas the ESG report states approximately 47.64% for the same date. The detailed financial-statement disclosure is the stronger historical reference, but the discrepancy remains unexplained. The October 2026 Globes ownership snapshot is a later presentation and cannot reconcile the two earlier figures.^{17, 15, 16}

A proposed chairman investment contemplated Amikam Ben Zvi acquiring 15% of the Rozenberg family holding partnership, subject to approvals and without changing El Al’s control. No public evidence identified conclusively establishing completion of every contemplated transaction step.¹⁴

The Special State Share protects corporate nationality, security arrangements, information-access rights and minimum capacity involving three wide-body and six narrow-body aircraft. These governance rights document formal state interests; they do not convert every commercial activity into a military operation.⁵

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

El Al’s direct acknowledgements establish personnel transportation and military-support logistics. Its October 2023 arrangements returned mobilised reservists, while subsequent programmes provided complimentary tickets, reserve-service-linked frequent-flyer points and preferential baggage or seating benefits. The company reported more than 20,000 complimentary tickets distributed by December 2024, and annual reporting records continued benefits during 2025.^{19, 20, 21, 5}

The January 2024 corporate magazine confirms two Boeing 787 flights from New York carrying more than 30 tonnes collectively, including medical and protective supplies for soldiers. A separate November Dreamliner carried military-related equipment and supplies for displaced civilian families; El Al, Phoenix Group and Amudim participated in financing it. The November shipment has no exact company-disclosed total weight and must not be added as another 30-tonne movement.¹

The Ditch reported F-35-related component carriage in October 2023, May 2024 and August 2024; handgun consignments in October 2024 and January 2025; approximately 268 kilograms of Elbit Systems of America consignments in April 2026; and approximately one tonne of military cargo across two August 2026 flights. The latter reporting identified tank target-acquisition equipment and modular gunner sights. These particulars remain attributed investigative findings.^{2, 22, 23, 3, 4}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The company’s strongest defence distinguishes commercial carriage and humanitarian support from weapons production. Its acknowledged shipments included medical supplies, protective equipment and civilian relief. No public evidence identified of El Al manufacturing weapons, designing targeting systems or holding a separately published IDF weapons-production tender.

The reported military consignments were manufactured or supplied by third parties. A proposed Paris shipment is not evidence of completed delivery: reporting states workers refused to load it. Likewise, government-wide military-airlift totals cannot be assigned to El Al without operator-specific evidence.^{2, 3, 4, 33}

Irish transit allegations must remain separate from proven regulatory violations. Reporting documents exchanges between transport authorities and El Al’s lawyers, but no public evidence identified of a final Irish criminal conviction, confirmed administrative fine or final judicial export-control ruling in the examined record.³⁵

State agreements cover civil-aviation security and financing. The 2025 report specifies state contributions of 95% for qualifying 2025 security expenditure and 94% for 2026; these are not identified weapons-manufacturing awards.⁵

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

El Al operates digital booking, ticketing, reservation-management and check-in services for customers and intermediaries in Israel and overseas. Its 2024 report identifies material dependence on Amadeus Passenger Service System. The online interface accepts booking identifiers, surnames and frequent-flyer credentials, including an Israeli identity-number authentication route.^{11, 12}

Enterprise deployments include Palo Alto Networks Unit 42 Managed Detection and Response with Cortex XDR, reportedly covering approximately 5,500 endpoints across 55 locations, and Commvault protection for approximately 5,000 Microsoft 365 users. WeAnkor identifies Azure as El Al’s primary data-storage and application platform, without specifying all workload regions or backup locations.^{10, 24}

The annual report identifies an Israeli statutory mechanism requiring passenger and crew information to be supplied following qualifying demands from competent authorities. This establishes legal accessibility of relevant operational data. It does not establish individual demands, completed disclosures, named receiving agencies or continuous access.¹¹

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence is the civilian and defensive character of the documented technology. Endpoint monitoring protects El Al’s infrastructure; reservation processing supports airline operations. Publicly described AI applications concern no-show prediction, fuel optimisation, maintenance and customer service.^{10, 11, 36}

No public evidence identified of El Al supplying offensive cyber tools, military fire-control software, autonomous targeting or dedicated intelligence-analysis platforms. No public evidence identified naming it as a contracted Nimbus supplier.

Physical data residency remains unresolved. Israeli corporate control, Israeli users and statutory disclosure duties do not establish Israeli hosting, database routing or encryption-key location. Amadeus product documentation describes functionality rather than an El Al-specific hosting configuration.^{24, 11, 12, 13}

A Heathrow surveillance notice establishes CCTV, audio, metadata and vehicle-information processing, but does not establish a named facial-recognition deployment. The Amadeus agreement documented in the 2024 report ran through 2025 with an extension option through 2027; exercise of that option is not established by that report.^{11, 37}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

El Al’s economic nexus consists of substantial direct operations and controlled businesses in Israel. The 2025 accounts describe aviation, maintenance, cargo and catering infrastructure at Ben Gurion Airport, including TAMAM production facilities. Reported revenue was approximately USD 3.476 billion, net income approximately USD 410 million and year-end equity approximately USD 1.048 billion. Group payroll expenses were approximately USD 855 million.^{5, 6}

Long-term capital commitments include Boeing’s August 2024 announcement of an order for up to 31 Boeing 737 MAX aircraft. Cockpit Innovation provides an additional aviation-technology investment channel, with El Al holding 80.9% in the 2025 structure. These facts establish operating and investment activity without proving military or settlement activity by each supplier or portfolio company.^{5, 29, 34}

State governance and security-financing arrangements reinforce the airline’s national-infrastructure role. The Special State Share protects minimum aircraft capacity, while state participation supports qualifying civil-aviation security expenditure.⁵

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence is that these are commercial aviation operations. Israeli incorporation, employment, supplier relationships and profitability do not independently establish settlement commerce or a particular military end use.

No public evidence identified of a particular settlement-origin agricultural consignment carried by El Al, a settlement-based group facility, direct lending to a named settlement developer, or a quantified settlement-derived revenue stream. Cockpit’s ownership does not establish control over all portfolio companies or weapons production by them.

Financial measures must also remain distinct: consolidated revenue does not identify customer residence; a statutory tax-rate reference does not quantify cash taxes paid; permission to distribute dividends does not establish every shareholder’s receipts.^{5, 6}

Competition proceedings carry their own limits. Proposed February 2026 sanctions concerning wartime fares and hangar access were subject to hearings, and El Al disputed the allegations. A June 2026 cargo-cartel settlement proposal concerned historical allegations, remained subject to court approval and did not establish judicial liability; El Al denied unlawful participation.^{30, 31, 38}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

El Al physically implemented “Stand with Israel” branding on its Jerusalem of Gold Boeing 787-9 in December 2023. Corporate communications presented the initiative as support for Israel internationally, including Israeli society, armed forces and hostage awareness. January 2024 reporting documents reuse of the branded aircraft for the symbolic LY100 hostage-awareness flight.^{7, 26}

The Fly Israel campaign combined future-flight vouchers with charitable allocations. A February 2024 company-authored release reported approximately USD 5 million in voucher sales and USD 500,000 contributed to FIDF and the Shoresh Fund, with military personnel, wounded soldiers, families and affected civilians among intended beneficiaries. No separately audited recipient allocation was supplied.⁸

El Al also financed international travel by hostage-family representatives. Its magazine described meetings with government officials, international organisations, communities and media; Yarom Vadish confirmed corporate financing in March 2024. This establishes transport resources for advocacy without proving that El Al itself made formal lobbying representations at every meeting.^{25, 9}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence is that hostage-release advocacy, support for injured personnel and civilian relief have humanitarian and welfare dimensions. Neither flag-carrier status nor a political slogan establishes government commissioning or military direction of the campaign.^{7, 26, 9}

Current status must not be inferred from historical implementation. The branded aircraft’s complete operating duration and October 2026 physical status remain unresolved. The original American voucher promotion advertised a December 2023 termination; final closure dates of subsequent geographic extensions and a currently active October 2026 appeal were not established.^{7, 26, 27, 28}

Mitigation is also documented: El Al restored ordinary donated-equipment baggage charges after earlier concessions, citing changed wartime and customs arrangements. Reporting records a request to reinstate reduced rates but does not establish acceptance.³²

No public evidence identified of settlement-development donations, a verified settlement-specific operation, a corporate anti-BDS lobbying campaign, or attributable personal military donations by the named controlling principals. Corporate programmes must not be converted into equivalent personal contributions by every director or shareholder.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Complicity Index Score

Method: V6.6 - final human-vetted values.

• V_MAX: 9.00 Avg_OTHERS: 7.33
• BRS Score: 872 Tier: A (Extreme Complicity)

Economic and Political jointly supply V_MAX, reflecting documented Israeli operating infrastructure, protected state interests, corporate national advocacy and military-welfare support; Military reflects acknowledged logistics and separately attributed cargo investigations, while Digital reflects implemented passenger-data and enterprise operations with substantial limits on military attribution.^{5, 1, 10, 11, 7, 8} The resulting tier uses the supplied fixed scores and the scale-free, evidence-only, human-vetted method; it does not imply that unresolved allegations, settlement operations or judicial liability have been established.

Methodology Note

• Evidence is confined to the four supplied domain audits. Company acknowledgements, vendor claims, investigative reporting and unresolved allegations retain their respective evidentiary status.
• Impact (I) measures activity type on a scale-free basis; Magnitude (M) measures scale; Proximity (P) measures directness. All final V6.6 values are preserved.
• Temporal mitigation applies to exited, terminated or reduced activities. Historical implementation does not establish continuation at the cutoff; unresolved duration remains unresolved.
• Entity attribution excludes transitive guilt: a carrier is not automatically a manufacturer, a portfolio investment does not establish control, and corporate expenditure is not automatically personal philanthropy.
• Verified settlement operations would count in both Economic and Political. No public evidence identified of such an El Al operation in the supplied audits.
• “No public evidence identified” records the outcome of the audits’ checks, not proof of universal absence. The stated research cutoff is 25 October 2026; some supplied interface and reference checks are dated 26 October 2026.