Sabra Hummus POLITICAL

Target: Sabra Dipping Company, LLC (Sabra Hummus) Evidence period: Historical records through 26 October 2026 Corporate scope: Sabra; current parent PepsiCo; historical shareholder Strauss Group; relevant PepsiCo subsidiaries and identified leadership. Research scope: Corporate communications, political conduct, military-associated assistance, territorial operations, governance, financing, historical shareholders and executive affiliations.

Corporate Communications & Public Stance

Sabra’s direct position - 25 October 2024.

In a written response made public by Willy Street Co-op, Sabra stated that it had no political positions or affiliations and did not financially support military or political operations. Sabra described itself as a separate North American company then jointly owned by PepsiCo and Strauss Group.¹

Parent-company position - 27 October 2023.

PepsiCo publicly addressed violence affecting Israel and Gaza, expressed condolences to people who had lost relatives, friends and colleagues, and described assistance for affected employees and civilians. It identified humanitarian relief, housing, food, childcare and mental-health support among its responses.²

Comparative corporate communications - 2022–2023.

In a February 2023 corporate response concerning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, PepsiCo explicitly condemned Russian aggression, described support for approximately 3,100 Ukrainian employees and their families, and reported approximately $15 million in resources for refugees and affected communities. Its communication concerning Israel and Gaza used a humanitarian framing addressing affected communities on both sides.^{3, 2}

Commercial market framing - November 2024.

PepsiCo’s acquisition announcement characterised Sabra as a North American refrigerated dips business and described its expansion in terms of consumer demand, product innovation and portfolio development. The announcement identified approximately $400 million in United States retail sales.⁴

Historical shareholder public posture - August 2024.

On 29 August 2024, Strauss Group President and CEO Shai Babad described Israel’s food industry as contributing to the country’s civilian resilience and food security. The statement was issued while Strauss still held its Sabra ownership interest.^{5, 4}

Historical shareholder’s war-related public activity - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group’s FY2024 reporting describes continuing community and corporate activities associated with the Swords of Iron war, including assistance to people affected by the conflict, donations of products and support for military personnel and their families. The disclosure concerns Strauss Group’s consolidated activities during 2024.⁶

Military-related conference - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported hosting an Israel Rises conference concerning planning and preparation for a multi-arena war. The disclosure establishes the Group’s hosting role but does not identify the event as an official Israeli government or IDF conference.⁶

Corporate community contributions - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported approximately NIS 20 million in contributions, approximately 3 million donated products and more than 16,000 volunteer hours during 2024. These are aggregate figures covering multiple community activities and are not allocated exclusively to military recipients.⁶

Sabra-specific communications concerning Palestinian civilian casualties, the ICJ advisory opinion of 19 July 2024 or the November 2024 ICC warrants - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified of a Sabra-specific statement addressing these matters in the reviewed corporate communications.^{1, 4}

Excluded frame v_pol:3875066d420d - comparative corporate positions, 2022–2023. The comparison is confirmed at the level of PepsiCo’s published language. In its February 2023 response to B4Ukraine, PepsiCo explicitly attributed the invasion of Ukraine to Russian aggression, condemned the resulting loss of life, and described its opposition to the invasion. By contrast, PepsiCo’s 27 October 2023 Israel/Gaza communication expressed condolences for those affected by violence, addressed humanitarian needs in both Israel and Gaza, and did not identify an aggressor, assign responsibility for military actions, or condemn either party’s conduct. Both communications are attributable to PepsiCo rather than Sabra Dipping Company. The documented difference establishes a contrast in public wording and attribution of responsibility; it does not independently establish the company’s underlying political motives, endorsement of Israeli military policy, or a deliberate decision to apply different moral standards.^{7, 2}

Excluded frame v_pol:3875066d420d - comparative actions and downstream result. PepsiCo’s Ukraine response identified support for approximately 3,100 employees and their families, approximately $15 million in resources for Ukrainian refugees and communities, and restrictions on specified commercial activities in Russia, including global beverage-brand sales, discretionary capital investment and advertising. Its Israel/Gaza communication identified a $1 million PepsiCo Foundation humanitarian pledge, employee-donation matching and more than $3 million in PepsiCo-system contributions directed towards relief. These are different categories of disclosed corporate responses: the Ukraine communication combined humanitarian assistance with commercial measures directed at Russia, whereas the Israel/Gaza communication described humanitarian assistance without announcing equivalent commercial restrictions against Israel or Palestinian entities. The figures represent different programmes and reporting periods and cannot establish comparable per-beneficiary assistance or comprehensive regional expenditure. The contrast in announced measures is confirmed, but a resulting benefit to Israeli military operations, settlement activity or Israeli government policy is unsupported by these communications. Neither document attributes an operational decision, military transfer or political expenditure to Sabra.^{7, 2}

Excluded frame v_pol:3875066d420d - limits of the asserted political contrast. PepsiCo’s 1 April 2022 Ukraine communication independently documented substantial humanitarian support, including employee accommodation, refugee assistance, charitable partnerships and material donations. This demonstrates that PepsiCo also used humanitarian language and assistance in its Ukraine response; a claim that it expressed humanitarian concern only in relation to Israel/Gaza is therefore disconfirmed. The narrower finding remains supported: PepsiCo’s February 2023 Ukraine response explicitly identified Russian aggression, while its October 2023 Israel/Gaza statement did not assign comparable responsibility. The available documents do not establish whether this difference resulted from commercial interests, legal advice, humanitarian priorities or political alignment.^{7, 2, 8}

Excluded frame v_pol:3875066d420d - subsequent qualification of Ukraine positioning. Public reporting by B4Ukraine described an alleged autumn 2023 PepsiCo advertising-agency brief restricting references to the war, military personnel and support for Ukraine’s armed forces in brand communications. The organisation stated that PepsiCo had not responded to its requests for comment at publication. This creates a material qualification to treating PepsiCo’s February 2023 condemnation as evidence of a uniformly maintained communication policy across all brands and markets. The reported brief concerns Ukrainian marketing communications, is attributed to B4Ukraine’s examination of agency instructions, and does not establish a formal corporate withdrawal of the February 2023 statement. It also supplies no evidence of Sabra-specific political activity.^{7, 9}

Excluded frame v_pol:3875066d420d - public association and statement status through 28 October 2026. The 27 October 2023 Israel/Gaza statement remained accessible on PepsiCo’s corporate website when checked on 28 October 2026. PepsiCo’s 1 April 2022 Ukraine humanitarian statement was likewise publicly accessible, while the February 2023 condemnation remained reproduced in B4Ukraine’s publicly accessible documentary compilation. Continued accessibility supports ongoing public association with the published statements but does not establish that PepsiCo actively reaffirmed every position in October 2026. No later corporate statement expressly withdrawing, replacing or repudiating either position was identified in the reviewed material.^{7, 2, 8}

Excluded frame v_pol:3875066d420d - withdrawal, replacement or repudiation, 2023–28 October 2026 - no public evidence identified: Searches for PepsiCo retractions, corrections, replacement Israel/Gaza statements, repudiation of its Ukraine condemnation, and subsequent corporate communications addressing the comparative wording did not identify an explicit withdrawal, replacement or repudiation. The reviewed PepsiCo communications remain accessible; this is a bounded negative finding rather than proof that no such communication exists anywhere in the public record.^{7, 2, 8, 10}

Operations in Occupied or Contested Territories

Sabra manufacturing and distribution - October 2024.

Sabra stated that its hummus was produced in Chesterfield County, Virginia, using chickpeas grown on family-owned farms in the Pacific Northwest. The company described its production, workforce and distribution as North American, with sales in the United States and Canada.¹

Historical ownership relationship - 2008–December 2024.

Sabra operated as a 50/50 joint venture between PepsiCo and Israel-headquartered Strauss Group. On 3 December 2024, PepsiCo acquired Strauss’s remaining 50% interest for approximately $241 million, making Sabra a wholly owned subsidiary.^{4, 11}

Related PepsiCo subsidiary - SodaStream, acquired December 2018.

PepsiCo completed its acquisition of SodaStream International Ltd. on 5 December 2018. SodaStream was a separate company within PepsiCo’s corporate group and had historically operated manufacturing facilities in Israel and the occupied West Bank.^{12, 13}

Historical settlement-area facility - [pre-2020], discontinued.

SodaStream formerly operated a manufacturing facility in the Mishor Adumim industrial zone in the occupied West Bank. In December 2015, Who Profits reported observations indicating that the facility had ceased operations and the company had completed its relocation. This manufacturing relationship was discontinued before PepsiCo’s 2018 acquisition.^{13, 12}

Historical operational explanation - [pre-2020], discontinued.

Former SodaStream CEO Daniel Birnbaum described the company’s relocation from Mishor Adumim to the Lehavim/Rahat area and its efforts to obtain Israeli work permits for Palestinian employees. He attributed the relocation to manufacturing capacity requirements and described government restrictions on employment permits.¹⁴

Sabra-specific territorial presence - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified of Sabra manufacturing facilities, subsidiaries, dealerships, procurement contracts or distribution facilities within occupied Palestinian territory in the reviewed material.^{1, 4}

UN settlement-business database and A/HRC/59/23 scrutiny - through October 2026.

No verified Sabra-specific listing or finding identified in the successfully retrieved material. The reviewed records do not establish an exhaustive negative finding across every edition of the UN business database or every related report.^{1, 4}

Civil-society campaign - [pre-2020], 2010–2011.

The BDS Movement reported that DePaul University students organised a referendum concerning replacement of Sabra hummus in campus dining facilities. The campaign cited Strauss Group’s alleged support for Israeli military brigades. Organisers reported 1,127 votes supporting removal out of 1,467 votes cast.¹⁵

Civil-society investigation - May 2024.

Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East published a Sabra boycott factsheet citing historical Strauss Group connections to the Israeli military, including allegations concerning the Golani and Givati brigades. The publication identified Sabra’s then-existing Strauss ownership as the basis for its campaign.¹⁶

Retail boycott request - November–December 2024.

Willy Street Co-op reported that 337 members requested removal of Sabra products, citing allegations relating to former shareholder Strauss Group and Israeli military support. The retailer opened a comment period and obtained a response from Sabra.¹⁷

Retailer decision - 6 January 2025.

Willy Street Co-op discontinued five Sabra products. It reported 205 comments supporting removal, 38 opposing removal and three uncategorised comments. Its stated reasons included declining sales, available alternatives and member feedback. The retailer said the decision was neither a permanent prohibition nor an intended political message.¹⁸

Organised labour and community campaign - 2024–2025.

UE reported that Local 1186 supported a Sabra boycott campaign involving the Madison-Rafah Sister City Project. The campaign cited historical Strauss Group military support allegations and sought removal of Sabra products from the local cooperative retailer.¹⁹

Campaign follow-up - 2025.

The Madison-Rafah Sister City Project’s public campaign page described the retailer’s removal of Sabra products as a successful mobilisation outcome.²⁰

Directly documented legal or regulatory proceedings concerning Sabra’s occupied-territory operations - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed sources.^{1, 4, 16}

CJPME Factsheet 239, “Boycott Campaign: Sabra,” contains conflicting publication metadata across its formats. CJPME’s original online factsheet identifies April 2024 as its creation date, while the publicly accessible PDF (English v05) explicitly states “Created: May 2024.” The online factsheet is dated 24 May 2024. The PDF therefore confirms the existing Political statement “Civil-society investigation - May 2024” and the May 2024 attribution in End Note 11. The April 2024 date used in Digital corresponds to the online factsheet’s stated creation month. Both dates have documentary support, but they describe different publication metadata; the available evidence does not independently establish the first public release date.¹⁶

Internal Governance, Content & Retail Policies

Employee political speech and employment enforcement - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified of Sabra disciplinary action, dismissals, litigation or union retaliation specifically concerning employees’ speech about Israel or Palestine in the reviewed records.^{1, 4}

Parent-company employee support - October 2023.

PepsiCo described providing housing, food, childcare, mental-health assistance and other support to employees or affected persons in Israel and Gaza. Its announcement did not disclose a Sabra-specific workforce speech policy.²

Platform or algorithmic moderation - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified of Sabra operating a social-media, search, mapping or app-distribution platform with Israel-Palestine content-moderation policies.^{1, 4}

Retailer response to campaigning - December 2024–January 2025.

Willy Street Co-op used its established member-request and comment procedures to consider removing Sabra products. Its January 2025 decision identified commercial factors and member feedback as contributing considerations.^{17, 18}

Product labelling and sourcing - October 2024.

Sabra’s public statement identified its hummus manufacturing site as Chesterfield County, Virginia, and its chickpea sourcing region as the Pacific Northwest. No independently documented settlement-origin product-labelling dispute was identified in the reviewed material.¹

Regulatory proceedings concerning Sabra’s Israel-Palestine sourcing disclosures - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed records.^{1, 4}

Shareholder suppression, content restrictions or union lawsuits concerning Palestinian advocacy - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed records.^{1, 4}

Historical shareholder’s corporate contributions oversight - 2024.

Strauss Group’s FY2024 report describes the establishment of a Contributions Committee led by the Senior Vice President, Chief Legal Officer and Corporate Secretary, with eight senior officials appointed to participate. The report does not provide transaction-level committee approval records for each military-associated activity described elsewhere in the reporting package.⁶

Historical shareholder’s community volunteering - 2024.

Strauss Group reported more than 16,000 volunteer hours across its 2024 community activities, including activities supporting people affected by the war. The aggregate figure does not distinguish civilian and military-associated beneficiaries.⁶

Brand Heritage & State Partnerships

Brand origin and corporate identity - 2008–2024.

PepsiCo identified Sabra as a North American food brand developed through its joint venture with Israel-based Strauss Group. Its 2024 communication focused on refrigerated dips, consumer preferences and portfolio expansion.⁴

Military heritage in Sabra’s commercial branding - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate communications.^{1, 4}

Historical shareholder’s military relationship - [pre-2020], continuation after 2010 unverified.

An archived Adalah-NY investigation reproduced wording attributed to Strauss Group’s former corporate-responsibility website describing support for the Golani reconnaissance platoon. The reproduced statement referred to food supplies and individual care packages. Adalah-NY reported that the company’s website text changed in November 2010.²¹

Historical shareholder’s military-support allegations - May 2024 publication.

CJPME cited historical Strauss Group support for Golani and Givati and reported that Strauss chair Ofra Strauss had publicly defended supporting Israeli soldiers during earlier boycott controversies. These are historical claims about Strauss, published while it remained a Sabra shareholder.¹⁶

Historical shareholder’s military-associated organisational partnership - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group’s FY2024 report states that it supported two intakes of Gdolim B’Madim, or Big in Uniform, a programme assisting soldiers with disabilities to volunteer for the IDF. Approximately 30 soldiers were supported through the initiative. The report does not identify the specific contributing legal entity or the monetary value of the support.⁶

Historical shareholder’s war-preparation conference - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported hosting an Israel Rises conference addressing planning and preparation for a multi-arena war. The reporting package does not identify the conference’s full programme, organisers, public officials or military attendees.⁶

Historical shareholder’s hospital activities - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported volunteering activities involving wounded IDF soldiers at Sheba, Ichilov and Soroka medical centres. The disclosure identifies the beneficiary group and medical institutions but does not identify participating Sabra personnel or Sabra expenditure.⁶

Historical shareholder’s civil-society collaboration - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported collaborating with Or LaMishpachot and the Bnei Akiva Youth Movement to package and distribute food to approximately 2,700 bereaved families. Its reporting identifies the two partner organisations but does not individually identify recipients or the value allocated to the programme.⁶

Sabra’s stated local community partnerships - October 2024.

Sabra identified Feed More, a Virginia hunger-relief organisation, as one of its community partners. Its communication did not describe a military or government-affiliated mission for this relationship.¹

Historical state-academic, military or government interactions involving PepsiCo subsidiary SodaStream - [pre-2020].

Former SodaStream CEO Daniel Birnbaum publicly discussed government negotiations over Palestinian employees’ work permits following the factory relocation. These concerned SodaStream’s employment arrangements and did not establish a Sabra partnership.¹⁴

Sabra sponsorship of Israeli government image campaigns, settlement events or military commemorations - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed records.^{1, 4}

Sabra receipt of Israeli state honours or participation in formal state-security branding initiatives - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed records.^{1, 4}

Lobbying, Advocacy, Financing & Logistics

Direct Sabra political or military financing - October 2024 corporate disclosure.

Sabra expressly stated that it did not financially support military or political operations and did not contribute to political groups. This is a company declaration; independent recipient-level financial records were not obtained to audit all possible payments.¹

Historical former-shareholder military support - [pre-2020].

Adalah-NY reproduced a historical statement attributed to Strauss Group describing food-product provision and personal care packages for members of the Golani reconnaissance platoon. The original underlying corporate webpage and transaction-level financial records were not independently retrieved.²¹

Further historical claims - May 2024.

CJPME reported that Strauss had supported the Golani and Givati brigades, described Adopt a Warrior activities, and identified alleged institutional connections involving Strauss chair Ofra Strauss and military-welfare organisations. The publication does not establish a direct Sabra expenditure or a post-divestment transfer.¹⁶

PepsiCo humanitarian assistance - 27 October 2023.

PepsiCo announced a $1 million foundation pledge to organisations providing humanitarian relief in Israel and Gaza. It also described 2:1 matching for eligible employee donations and reported that PepsiCo system contributions exceeded $3 million. Its announcement did not identify military units or settlement organisations as beneficiaries.²

Humanitarian campaign recipient verification - 2023.

PepsiCo’s disclosed humanitarian programme establishes that regional assistance was mobilised, but the public announcement does not provide a complete recipient-level distribution or establish military-welfare funding.²

Historical shareholder’s 2024 corporate activity - August 2024.

Strauss Group publicly described food-security and industrial-resilience activities in Israel in August 2024. This statement established its commercial and public-policy framing without identifying a payment from Sabra to an Israeli military beneficiary.⁵

Historical shareholder’s documented military-associated programme support - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group’s FY2024 reporting states that it supported two intakes of the Gdolim B’Madim programme, assisting approximately 30 soldiers with disabilities volunteering for the IDF. The report establishes Strauss Group support for a military-associated programme during its final year as a Sabra shareholder, but does not specify the amount, form of support or contributing subsidiary.^{6, 11}

Historical shareholder’s support for reservist units - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported distributing dry-product kits to approximately 120 reserve units during 2024. The disclosure does not identify the units, individual deliveries, values or contributing subsidiaries.⁶

Historical shareholder’s food logistics for soldiers - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported operating a food truck that distributed hummus, dips and salads to soldiers for approximately three weeks. The report identifies the product categories and beneficiaries but does not establish that the products were Sabra-branded or funded by Sabra Dipping Company.⁶

Related historical shareholder business - Yad Mordechai, 2024.

The Strauss reporting package states that Yad Mordechai operated a truck with a chef preparing meals for various security-force units. The disclosure identifies a separate named business activity and does not attribute the meals or expenditure to Sabra.⁶

Historical shareholder’s hospital support - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported volunteering activities involving wounded IDF soldiers at Sheba, Ichilov and Soroka medical centres. The disclosure describes engagement with military personnel receiving medical treatment but does not provide a monetary valuation of the support.⁶

Historical shareholder’s military-family assistance - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported organising food packages for approximately 2,700 bereaved families in cooperation with Or LaMishpachot and Bnei Akiva. The report does not specify a military-service classification for each recipient family or separately disclose the programme’s total cost.⁶

Historical shareholder’s conference hosting - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported hosting an Israel Rises conference concerning planning and preparation for a multi-arena war. The report does not disclose the conference’s budget or identify an official military procurement or operational-support agreement.⁶

Historical shareholder’s aggregate contributions - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported approximately NIS 20 million in contributions, approximately 3 million donated products and more than 16,000 volunteer hours. The report describes multiple beneficiaries and activities, so these aggregate amounts cannot be assigned wholly to military organisations or personnel.⁶

Agricultural assistance - 2024–2025, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group described a farmers’ fund established with Leket Israel to support agricultural recovery in communities near Gaza. The fund totalled NIS 14 million, with Strauss and Leket Israel each contributing half. Strauss reported paying NIS 5.5 million of its NIS 7 million commitment during 2024, with the remainder scheduled for 2025.⁶

Agricultural assistance beneficiaries - 2024.

The fund provided immediate shopping-voucher assistance to approximately 500 farmers and grants to 196 farmers, with grants of up to NIS 200,000 and an average of approximately NIS 68,000. The stated purpose was agricultural recovery rather than a disclosed transfer to an IDF military unit.⁶

Constructive-notice timing - 2024.

The Strauss programmes described above occurred during calendar year 2024, which includes periods after the ICJ advisory opinion of 19 July 2024 and after the November 2024 ICC warrants. The FY2024 disclosure does not identify sufficiently precise dates to establish that every individual programme continued after either milestone.⁶

Historical shareholder attribution boundary - December 2024.

The FY2024 activities were reported by Strauss Group, which held 50% of Sabra until 3 December 2024. PepsiCo’s SEC disclosure establishes that Strauss ceased owning Sabra on that date. The Strauss reporting package does not identify Sabra Dipping Company as the legal contributor to the specific 2024 programmes.^{6, 11}

Sabra-specific political lobbying, anti-BDS legislation, PAC contributions or regional advocacy expenditure - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed records.^{1, 4}

Sabra-funded settlement organisations, military-welfare funds or Israeli reservist organisations after December 2024 - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed records.^{1, 11}

Direct Sabra crisis logistics supplied to Israeli military operations after October 2023 - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed records.^{1, 6}

PepsiCo executive-linked military financing or settlement advocacy - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed leadership and corporate disclosures.^{2, 22}

Corporate Structure & Primary Mission

Formation and joint-venture history - 2008–2024.

PepsiCo stated that its relationship with Strauss Group included Sabra, established as a 50/50 joint venture in 2008, and Obela, established in 2012. Sabra manufactured and distributed refrigerated dips for North American consumers.⁴

Change of control - 3 December 2024.

PepsiCo’s SEC disclosure records the acquisition of Strauss Group’s 50% Sabra ownership interest for approximately $241 million. Sabra became a wholly owned PepsiCo subsidiary from that date.¹¹

Historical shareholder’s divestment - 2024–2025.

Strauss Group’s March 2025 financial-results communication described the sale of its Sabra and Obela holdings as part of broader portfolio optimisation. The former joint-venture relationship had ended by the reporting date.²³

Parent company’s current leadership - 2026.

PepsiCo identifies Ramon Laguarta as Chairman and Chief Executive Officer. Its executive-officer disclosure also identifies Ram Krishnan as Chief Executive Officer of PepsiCo North America.²²

Commercial purpose - 2024.

PepsiCo’s acquisition statement describes Sabra’s business in terms of food manufacturing, refrigerated dips, consumer demand and innovation. The stated transaction rationale is commercial portfolio expansion.⁴

Historical shareholder reporting scope - FY2024.

Strauss Group’s FY2024 reporting describes activities involving its consolidated businesses, corporate community programmes and organisational support. The disclosure does not individually identify Sabra as the contributing entity for the military-associated activities described in Chapter C.⁶

Historical shareholder’s governance of contributions - 2024.

Strauss Group reported establishing a Contributions Committee during 2024, chaired by its Senior Vice President, Chief Legal Officer and Corporate Secretary and involving eight appointed senior officials. The report does not state that the committee was part of Sabra Dipping Company’s governance structure.⁶

Group attribution following divestment - December 2024 onward.

PepsiCo’s acquisition disclosure establishes that Sabra was wholly owned by PepsiCo following 3 December 2024. Strauss Group’s subsequent reporting of historical 2024 activities does not establish continued ownership of Sabra.^{11, 23, 6}

State ownership, government golden share or founding charter expressly directing Sabra to advance Israeli geopolitical objectives - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate structure and acquisition disclosures.^{4, 11}

Post-divestment structural control retained by Strauss Group - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed transaction disclosures.^{11, 23}

Excluded frame v_pol:3875066d420d - current parent-company nexus and attribution, 2024–2026. PepsiCo’s 2025 Annual Report confirms that its acquisition of Strauss Group’s remaining 50% interest in Sabra Dipping Company, LLC in December 2024 made Sabra a wholly owned PepsiCo subsidiary. The report places Sabra within PepsiCo Foods North America and identifies its commercial activity as manufacturing, marketing, distributing and selling refrigerated dips and spreads. Consequently, PepsiCo’s 2022–2023 political communications can be attributed to Sabra’s current controlling corporate group, while both statements predate PepsiCo’s acquisition of full control. The ownership connection is confirmed; direct adoption of those positions by Sabra, Sabra’s participation in their preparation, and a Sabra-specific political or military downstream result remain unsupported by the documents examined.^{7, 2, 24}

Executive & Leadership Footprint

Current controlling parent leadership - 2026.

PepsiCo identifies Ramon Laguarta as Chairman and CEO and describes his service in those roles as beginning in 2019 and 2018 respectively. His published biography lists board memberships at IBM and the Business Roundtable.²²

PepsiCo leadership associated with Sabra acquisition - November 2024.

Steven Williams, then identified as CEO of PepsiCo Foods North America, publicly welcomed the acquisition of Strauss Group’s remaining Sabra ownership interest and thanked Strauss for the companies’ longstanding partnership.⁴

Former controlling shareholder leadership - May 2024.

CJPME identified Ofra Strauss as Strauss Group chair and attributed to her historical statements supporting Israeli soldiers during Sabra boycott disputes. Its report also raised a claimed governance relationship with the HESEG Foundation for Lone Soldiers. Independent current foundation-board documentation was not obtained.¹⁶

Former shareholder’s contemporary executive advocacy - August 2024.

Strauss CEO Shai Babad publicly emphasised Israeli food security, resilience and domestic industrial strength while his company remained a Sabra shareholder.⁵

Historical shareholder’s legal and governance leadership - 2024, disclosed March 2025.

Strauss Group reported that its Senior Vice President, Chief Legal Officer and Corporate Secretary led a newly established Contributions Committee, supported by eight appointed senior officials. The reporting package does not establish personal donations by those officials or identify their individual approvals of military-associated programmes.⁶

Former shareholder’s organisational military support under corporate governance - 2024.

Strauss Group reported support for Gdolim B’Madim, reservist-unit product distributions and activities involving wounded IDF soldiers during the period in which its corporate leadership oversaw the reporting group. The disclosure attributes the activities to Strauss Group rather than to personal donations by named executives.⁶

Historical subsidiary leadership and public advocacy - [pre-2020].

Former SodaStream CEO Daniel Birnbaum publicly criticised Israeli government restrictions on Palestinian workers following SodaStream’s West Bank factory relocation. The historical statements relate to SodaStream and do not document an action by Sabra executives.¹⁴

Sabra executives’ personal donations to the IDF, FIDF, JNF/KKL, settlement bodies or military-welfare organisations - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed materials.^{1, 4}

PepsiCo controlling executives’ personal military-welfare donations or settlement-advocacy fundraising - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed leadership and corporate disclosures.^{2, 22}

Verified current Sabra executive participation in Israeli military events or settlement-related advocacy organisations - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed materials.^{1, 4}

Sabra-specific executive advocacy concerning the ICJ advisory opinion of 19 July 2024 or the ICC warrants issued in November 2024 - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed materials.^{1, 4}

Verified personal financial contributions by Ofra Strauss to the 2024 military-associated programmes - through October 2026.

No public evidence identified in the reviewed primary corporate reporting. The FY2024 disclosure identifies Strauss Group activities without allocating them to Ofra Strauss’s personal funds or family foundation.^{16, 6}