TECH5

Key Findings

• Economic: TECH5 partnered with Israeli-domiciled Pangea on Jamaica’s voter-registry biometric system; the records do not disclose contract value, payment direction, hardware origin, or subsequent revenue allocation.¹
• Digital: Pangea’s Israeli headquarters and R&D centre establish an Israeli-company role in the Jamaica deployment, not an Israeli state customer, Israeli data transfer, or TECH5 use of Israeli surveillance technology.^{1, 2, 3}
• Political: No public evidence identified of TECH5 operations in settlements, supply to Israeli state or military bodies, Israel–Palestine lobbying, or conflict-related donations.^{4, 5}
• Not found: No public evidence identified of an Israeli military, kinetic-targeting, Project Nimbus, Israeli data-centre, or settlement deployment nexus.^{4, 6, 7}

Target Profile

Key Facts:

• TECH5 describes products for biometric matching, identity systems, immigration, access control, and law-enforcement applications.^{10, 14}
• TECH5 identifies TECH5 Inc./TECH5 USA as its US subsidiary in connection with the 2023 Imageware asset acquisition.¹⁵
• Published office locations include Switzerland, Portugal, the United States, India, the UAE, and Australia; no Israel office is listed.⁹

Executive Summary

TECH5 SA is a Swiss biometric and digital-identity company whose documented Israel/Palestine nexus is limited principally to its collaboration with Pangea, an Israeli-domiciled technology company. TECH5 announced on 20 February 2024 that Pangea, having won a Jamaican Electoral Commission tender, integrated TECH5’s T5-OmniMatch biometric matching system into Jamaica’s voter registry. The announcement describes matching, migration, integration, hardware and software delivery, and planned maintenance; it does not disclose commercial consideration, payment direction, manufacturing origin, or revenue allocation.¹

Pangea states that its headquarters and R&D centre are in Israel, and its imprint identifies Pangea NGU Ltd in Herzliya, Israel. This supports a finding of Israeli-company participation in an overseas deployment. It does not establish that TECH5 has an Israeli state customer, maintains an Israeli office or facility, procures Israeli software for its internal stack, transferred Jamaican biometric data to Israel, or deployed technology in Israel or occupied territory.^{2, 3, 9}

TECH5 has documented non-Israeli security-related work: its October 2023 announcement describes a Leidos subcontract supporting the US Army’s BEC-1 programme in a digital test environment, involving biometric algorithm evaluation, testing, scoring, and recommendations. The record does not identify Israel, Israeli forces, a deployed tactical variant, strike-target selection, fire-control functions, or a kinetic weapons effect.⁶ TECH5 USA also describes US law-enforcement services and US-hosted AWS GovCloud infrastructure for its Law Enforcement 2.0 system; these documents do not establish Israeli deployment or Israeli data access.⁷

No public evidence identified in the reviewed material establishes TECH5 supply to the Israeli Ministry of Defence, IDF, intelligence agencies, police, prison service, settlement authorities, or Israeli defence primes; participation in Project Nimbus; an Israeli data centre, R&D centre, office, or settlement operation; Israel–Palestine lobbying; relevant political or military-welfare donations; or a TECH5-specific BDS, sanctions, settlement-database, or regulatory finding. These are scoped research absences, not proof that undisclosed relationships cannot exist.^{4, 5, 16}

The fixed, human-vetted V6.5 result is BRS 134, Tier E (Minimal/No Complicity). The sole non-zero domain score is Economic, reflecting the documented Israeli-domiciled commercial partner on a non-Israeli project. The record does not support elevation of the relationship into military, digital-state, settlement, or political involvement.

Timeline of Relevant Events

Corporate Overview

TECH5 is documented as a Swiss biometrics and digital-identity company headquartered in Geneva. Its published offerings include face, fingerprint, and iris identification; contactless biometric capture; liveness detection; digital identity; and digital public infrastructure.^{9, 10, 14}

The group’s disclosed US operation is described variously as TECH5 Inc. and TECH5 USA. TECH5 stated that TECH5 Inc. acquired Imageware assets in 2023, while TECH5 USA identifies itself as a TECH5 Group subsidiary and operates a US law-enforcement biometric service.^{13, 15, 7} The reviewed documents do not conclusively resolve whether every differently styled US entity reference denotes the same legal corporation.

TOTM is a documented minority investor rather than an established parent or controlling owner. Its reported 16.27% stake and later loss of significant influence should not be treated as group control.¹¹ The verified Israeli connection is distinct: Pangea is an Israeli-domiciled commercial partner for Jamaica’s voter registry, not an identified TECH5 subsidiary, facility, or Israeli customer.^{1, 2, 3}

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

TECH5’s documented military-related work is a non-Israeli October 2023 subcontract with Leidos supporting the US Army’s BEC-1 programme. TECH5 described biometric matching software in a digital test environment, algorithm evaluation and combination - particularly voice - and provision of test results, scoring, and recommendations.⁶ Its products are publicly described as identity and biometric systems for civil, immigration, access-control, law-enforcement, and related uses rather than systems whose primary designed output is a kinetic targeting decision or weapons effect.^{10, 14}

No public evidence identified of a TECH5 contract, tender, framework, memorandum, export decision, equipment supply, service contract, reseller route, or tactical variant for the Israeli Ministry of Defence, IDF, Israel Prison Service, Border Police, settlement authorities, or Israeli defence manufacturers.^{4, 16}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence is that the documented defence-related relationship is limited to a disclosed US Army test-environment subcontract, not an Israeli contract or deployed Israeli military capability. The source does not state that TECH5 selected strike targets, supplied fire-control software, delivered a deployed tactical variant, manufactured weapons, or supplied Israeli forces.⁶

Public records do not resolve all end users, reseller relationships, export records, or BEC-1’s ultimate duration and deployment. Those gaps do not establish an Israeli military nexus. The absence findings are scoped research results, not certification against undisclosed relationships.^{4, 16}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• TECH5 USA / Leidos / US Army BEC-1: documented US biometric test-environment subcontract; no Israeli customer identified.⁶
• IDF, Israeli Ministry of Defence, Israel Prison Service, Border Police, Elbit, IAI, Rafael: no public evidence identified of TECH5 supply, contract, co-production, or integration.⁴
• Indumil, Colombia: TECH5 announced identity verification for gun-permit holders; the stated output was permit-holder verification, not a weapon or weapons subsystem.¹⁹

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

TECH5’s verified digital nexus is the Pangea-led Jamaican voter-registry deployment. TECH5 said Pangea integrated T5-OmniMatch ABIS for face and fingerprint deduplication, identification, verification, migration, and integration with Jamaica’s Electoral Registration System.¹ Pangea identifies an Israeli headquarters and R&D centre, and its imprint identifies Pangea NGU Ltd as Israeli-registered.^{2, 3}

This establishes an Israeli-company role in an overseas biometric deployment. It does not establish TECH5 procurement of Israeli enterprise software, provision to an Israeli state body, operation of the Jamaican system in Israel, access by Israeli personnel to Jamaican biometric records, or processing/storage of those records in Israeli jurisdiction.^{1, 2, 3}

No public evidence identified that TECH5 licenses or integrates named Israeli-origin cybersecurity or surveillance products, operates an Israeli data centre, participates in Project Nimbus, supplies Israeli security bodies, or provides offensive cyber, autonomous targeting, or purpose-built kinetic software.^{4, 7}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence is the geographic and contractual boundary of the documented project: Pangea’s Israeli domicile does not convert Jamaica’s Electoral Commission into an Israeli customer or establish an Israeli data flow. The Jamaica announcement lacks production-hosting, remote-access, backup, cross-border-transfer, and payment details.^{1, 2, 3}

TECH5 USA’s SOC 3 documentation places the covered Law Enforcement 2.0 customer infrastructure in AWS GovCloud in the United States, but it does not establish hosting for all TECH5 products or the Jamaican registry.⁷ Complete customer, vendor, data-flow, and reseller records are not public.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Pangea: documented integrator in Jamaica’s voter registry. Its website identifies Pangea NGU Ltd as an Israeli-registered site owner, but the precise contracting Pangea entity was not established.^{1, 2, 3}
• Electoral Commission of Jamaica: customer context for the voter registry; not an Israeli customer.¹
• AWS GovCloud: documented US infrastructure for a separate TECH5 USA law-enforcement system.⁷
• Israeli state/security bodies and Project Nimbus: no public evidence identified of TECH5 participation or supply.⁴

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

The documented economic connection is TECH5’s commercial collaboration with Pangea on Jamaica’s voter-registry system. Pangea’s Israeli domicile is evidenced by its own corporate information and imprint. TECH5’s announcement describes joint delivery of biometric hardware and software and a maintenance/support arrangement, but the public record does not disclose the TECH5–Pangea contract price, payment direction, manufacturing origin, revenue share, or any Israeli taxable profit.^{1, 2, 3}

No public evidence identified that TECH5 owns or controls an Israeli operating company; operates an Israeli office, factory, R&D centre, data centre, logistics hub, warehouse, or property; earns reported Israel-specific revenue; holds Israeli sovereign debt; finances Israeli state, military, settlement, or defence-prime activity; or sources settlement-origin goods.^{4, 9, 16}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence is that the verified commercial relationship concerns an Israeli-domiciled partner’s integration of TECH5 technology for a Jamaican public-sector project, rather than TECH5 market activity in Israel or occupied territory. Pangea’s location does not prove that system components were made in Israel, that revenue flowed to Israel, or that data were processed there.^{1, 2, 3}

The February 2024 announcement predates both 19 July 2024 and November 2024. Although it refers to continuing support and five years of local after-sale maintenance, no independently dated record reviewed here confirms continuation of TECH5–Pangea bilateral performance after either threshold.¹ Public commercial disclosures are incomplete; absence of disclosed financial details is not proof of their nonexistence.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Pangea: Israeli-headquartered commercial partner for Jamaica; its website identifies Pangea NGU Ltd as the Israeli-registered site owner, while the precise contracting entity remains unresolved.^{1, 2, 3}
• TOTM Technologies: documented 16.27% minority investor, not an established TECH5 parent; it later reported loss of significant influence.¹¹
• Salica Investments: documented provider of a 2026 non-dilutive growth loan; disclosure does not establish an equity stake or Israeli destination.²⁰
• TECH5 Inc. / Imageware assets: US subsidiary and North American asset acquisition; no Israeli acquisition identified.¹⁵

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

No public evidence identified in the reviewed corporate announcements and focused searches of an official TECH5 or TECH5 USA statement on the Israel–Palestine conflict, Palestinian civilian harm, the July 2024 ICJ advisory opinion, or the November 2024 ICC warrants.⁵ No public evidence identified of lobbying on Israel–Palestine policy, anti-BDS legislation, or settlement policy by TECH5, TECH5 USA, or named controlling principals.^{4, 5}

No public evidence identified of corporate or named-principal donations to the IDF, Friends of the IDF, JNF/KKL, reservist or military-welfare funds, or settlement organizations; nor of crisis mobilisation of TECH5 technology, logistics, personnel, or infrastructure for Israeli state or military actors.^{4, 5}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence is the absence of a documented political or territorial nexus: no public evidence identified of a TECH5 settlement operation, Israeli state partnership, conflict-related public position, political advocacy, sponsorship, or donation. Its published government and identity projects concern countries including Mauritania, Ethiopia, Honduras, Papua New Guinea, Oman, and Jamaica, rather than Israel or occupied territory.^{1, 21}

Focused searches cannot establish comprehensive private philanthropy, undisclosed affiliations, or non-public political activity. The absence findings therefore remain bounded research results, not a certification of complete non-involvement.^{4, 5}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

• Rahul Parthe and Machiel van der Harst: founders and historical equal shareholders; no public evidence identified of relevant Israel–Palestine advocacy, settlement activity, or military-welfare giving in the reviewed material.^{17, 5}
• Pierre Prunier / TOTM: former investor-linked board representation; TOTM reported that representation ended in May 2026.^{11, 12}
• Steve Kelly and Gary Newlin: identified TECH5 USA executives; no public evidence identified of relevant political activity in the reviewed material.^{13, 5}
• Israeli state bodies, settlement organizations, IDF-linked charities: no public evidence identified of TECH5 political, financial, or logistical support.^{4, 5}

BDS-1000 Score

Method: V6.5.

• V_MAX: 1.61 Avg_OTHERS: 0.00
• BRS Score: 134 Tier: E (Minimal/No Complicity)

V_MAX is driven solely by the verified economic connection to Israeli-domiciled Pangea in connection with Jamaica’s voter registry. The record does not verify Israeli military, Israeli state-digital, settlement, or political involvement; therefore the other domain scores remain zero. The V6.5 score reflects documented impact, magnitude, and proximity, with the economic magnitude corrected through the bound examiner panel and human review.

Methodology Note

• Evidence is limited to the four supplied domain audits and the source materials cited therein; claims are not extended beyond what those records establish.
• Impact reflects activity type, M reflects scale, and P reflects directness; corporate proximity alone is not treated as complicity.
• “No public evidence identified” means a scoped research check did not verify the asserted relationship; it is not proof that undisclosed activity does not exist.
• Divested, exited, or superseded operations are mitigated rather than treated as current activity; historical ownership and board positions are not presented as current without verification.
• Entity attribution is applied narrowly: an investor’s other holdings, a partner’s Israeli domicile, or an affiliate’s separate activity does not establish TECH5 ownership, control, or an Israeli state nexus.
• A verified settlement operation would be assessed in both Economic and Political; no such TECH5 operation was identified in the reviewed record.