Zoom POLITICAL

Corporate Communications & Public Stance

• No post-7 October 2023 official Zoom statement on Israel–Palestine was located in the bounded review of SEC filings, targeted public results, and specified UN/NGO materials.^{1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}

• Zoom’s May 2023 social-impact announcement identifies a 2022 partnership with Ukraine’s Ministry of Education; the announcement does not quantify that partnership or identify a military programme.⁷

• In prepared remarks headed Q1 FY2021, in the 2020 pandemic context, Zoom reported free services for over 100,000 K–12 schools across 25 countries, $1.4 million in COVID-related charitable donations, and $1 million in stock funding for Zoom Cares; Eric Yuan also expressed support for Black communities.⁸

• Zoom’s 2020 social-impact report lists racial-justice funding partners including Equal Justice Initiative and NAACP Empowerment Program. These are documented social-impact activities, without establishing an explicitly Black Lives Matter-branded statement.⁹

• No public evidence identified of an official statement on Palestinian civilian harm in the bounded corporate-source searches. The reviewed Ukraine, pandemic and racial-justice publications provide a comparison of located public activity; the absence finding does not establish motive, policy or an exhaustive publication history.^{7, 8, 9}

• In September 2020, Zoom prohibited San Francisco State University from using its platform for a planned event featuring Palestinian activist Leila Khaled, which contemporaneous reporting described as a discussion of Palestinian rights.¹⁰

• Contemporary reporting attributed Zoom’s decision to compliance with its terms and with U.S. export-control, sanctions, and anti-terrorism requirements, based on the speaker’s reported affiliation with a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organisation.¹¹

• PEN America reported that Zoom also pre-emptively prevented University of Hawai‘i and NYU webinars featuring Khaled, while characterising the action as selective enforcement; that characterisation is PEN America’s view rather than an adjudicated finding.¹²

• A civil-rights coalition’s October 2020 letter alleged cancellations of the San Francisco State University and University of Hawai‘i events and threats of consequences for university accounts; this is contemporaneous advocacy correspondence, not independent adjudication.¹³

• Zoom’s April 2021 academic-freedom policy states that, for qualifying higher-education meetings and webinars, Trust and Safety acts on content-related reports only from the host or account owner/administrator, subject to legal or regulatory risk, immediate safety threats, and non-academic or non-operational meetings.¹⁴

Operations in Occupied or Contested Territories

• The Israeli Ministry of Justice published a June 2021 sole-source notice for Zoom licences supplied through Naotech Communication Group, valued at NIS 128,992 for 1 July 2021 through 30 June 2022.¹⁵

• Israel’s National Insurance Institute published an April 2021 notice concerning renewal and purchase of Zoom software licences and support from Naotech, describing COVID-era use across government ministries and the public.¹⁶

• Both verified 2021 procurement records name Naotech rather than Zoom as supplier, concern civilian institutions, and do not establish a current contract or an IDF or Ministry of Defense customer.^{15, 16}

• A 10 March 2024 professional opinion by Israel’s Courts Administration states that courts used Zoom for video meetings and training involving 300–1,000 participants “in all courts,” describes it as the main video-meeting infrastructure for court presidents and judges, identifies Naotech as sole supplier, and values the procurement at NIS 175,000.¹⁷

• On 24 September 2024, the Courts Administration published an intention to contract with Naotech as sole supplier for Zoom across the court system, specifying NIS 300,000 and a proposed 1 January–31 December 2025 term; the notice evidences intended procurement rather than an executed contract.¹⁸

• On 22 October 2025, the Courts Administration published a further sole-supplier intention notice naming Naotech for Zoom licences, valued at NIS 410,000 for 1 January–31 December 2026; expiration of the notice’s filing/comment period does not independently establish execution of the proposed contract.¹⁹

• Tel Aviv–Jaffa’s proposed 2026 regular-budget explanatory book includes “Naotech - Zoom licensing” at NIS 170,000 under software rental and maintenance, while expressly stating that listed costs may change; it is a budget allocation rather than proof of a concluded purchase or Zoom’s receipt of funds.²⁰

• The Ministry of Education-branded edu-il.zoom.us site displays Zoom and Ministry logos and states that the Ministry makes the Zoom virtual classroom available to teaching staff, with up to 500 participants per meeting; the page does not disclose contract dates, commercial terms, supplier identity, or territorial deployment.²¹

• Naotech currently describes itself as Zoom’s official technology partner in Israel and markets local Hebrew-language implementation and support for Zoom Phone, Rooms, Contact Center, and Revenue Accelerator, including local Israeli PSTN support for Zoom Phone.²²

• A June 2020 Zoom letter stated that Naotech had been a fully authorised reseller since November 2018 and was then Zoom’s only authorised reseller in Israel; subsequent procurement notices identifying Naotech as sole supplier do not establish that the 2020 exclusivity remained legally or commercially unchanged.^{23, 18, 17, 19}

• Zoom’s current support documentation lists Israel as eligible for attendance at paid Zoom Events, which is a product-availability statement rather than evidence of government, military, or settlement contracting.²⁴

• An Israeli Ministry of Defense rehabilitation tender requires the selected service provider to make available a video-conference system “such as Teams, Zoom” for remote consultations; Zoom is an example in a technology-neutral requirement, and the tender identifies neither Zoom nor Naotech as supplier.²⁵

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed material of a Zoom or Naotech contract with the IDF, an Israeli military unit, the Israeli Ministry of Defense, or a settlement authority.^{15, 16, 18, 17, 19, 25}

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed material of Zoom-owned operations, Naotech premises, identified customer deployments, service contracts, or equipment deployments in the West Bank, East Jerusalem settlements, Gaza, or the occupied Syrian Golan.^{26, 27, 18, 17, 19, 21}

• Zoom was not named in the supplied document-specific checks of the UN Special Rapporteur’s 2025 report or the 2023 and 2025 OHCHR business-enterprise database updates; those are document-scoped no-hit results rather than database-wide absence findings.^{3, 4, 5}

Internal Governance, Content & Retail Policies

• The 2020 Khaled episode is a documented platform-access and content-policy matter concerning Palestinian-rights programming, but the available evidence does not establish a general or current Zoom policy governing Israel–Palestine content.^{14, 10, 11}

• Zoom’s public-policy lead told Axios in December 2020 that the company was developing content-moderation and event-hosting policies and that applying rules reflecting Zoom’s values could be difficult.²⁸

• The Lawfare Project states that it sent Zoom a warning letter before the 2020 event and was later notified that the event would be banned; this advocacy organisation’s self-report does not independently establish Zoom’s legal analysis or full causation.²⁹

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed material of HR discipline, termination, union litigation, or enforcement against Zoom employees for Israel–Palestine speech.^{1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 30}

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed material of an academic study, regulatory finding, or court ruling establishing systematic Zoom moderation asymmetry regarding Israel–Palestine.^{10, 3, 4, 5}

• Zoom is a communications-platform provider, and no retail or supply-chain settlement-labelling matter was located in the reviewed material.^{1, 2, 6}

Brand Heritage & State Partnerships

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed material that Zoom markets military heritage, Israeli state-security origins, or defence-sector ties as a corporate branding feature.^{1, 2, 6, 30}

• Check Point’s current integration listing describes a “Workspace Security SaaS and Zoom” integration built by Check Point for visibility into third-party Zoom apps, threat protection, and compliance functions.³¹

• The Check Point listing does not identify an Israeli state customer, IDF or Ministry of Defense use, settlement deployment, or a government partnership.³¹

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed material of a Zoom state honour, government-official hosting, Brand Israel sponsorship, or non-commercial Israeli government or academic partnership.^{1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 30}

Lobbying, Advocacy, Financing & Logistics

• Exhibit B of Zoom’s 2025 Georgia Technology Authority contract amendment marks the affirmation that Zoom is not engaged in a boycott of Israel, and the agreement commits the supplier not to participate in such a boycott during its term.³²

• The amendment extends the agreement from July 2025 through June 2026; it is a state-procurement compliance affirmation, and the document alone does not establish voluntary advocacy or lobbying by Zoom.³²

• Official 2025 federal lobbying reports by FGS Global and Mehlman Consulting name Zoom as client and disclose technology-related advocacy. The reviewed issue descriptions do not identify Israel–Palestine or BDS; this finding is confined to these two filings and does not establish absence across all lobbying, political donations or trade-association activity.^{33, 34}

• No public evidence identified in the bounded review of Zoom corporate donations or sponsorships to FIDF, IDF-linked bodies, JNF/KKL, settlement entities, reservist funds, or named military-welfare organisations.^{1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 30}

• Naotech’s own undated blog describes its 2021 assistance to the bereaved-siblings organisation Our Brothers and assistance after requests from the IDF Widows and Orphans Organization and Yad LaBanim, but does not specify the latter assistance, its value, donated licences, or any Zoom corporate funding, direction, approval, or participation; it is evidence concerning a reseller’s stated activity, not a Zoom Communications donation.³⁵

• No public evidence identified in the reviewed material of Zoom-directed post-7 October 2023 free services, cloud credits, logistics, donations, flights, or other resource mobilisation for the IDF, FIDF, JNF/KKL, settlement bodies, reservist funds, or state-aligned NGOs.^{1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 35}

• A contemporaneous report described a boycott call following Zoom’s 2020 refusal to host the Khaled event, but this evidences a reported campaign rather than formal BDS targeting or an ongoing boycott.¹¹

Corporate Structure & Primary Mission

• Zoom Communications, Inc. is a Delaware corporation, SEC registrant, and consolidated parent, with principal executive offices at 55 Almaden Boulevard, 6th Floor, San Jose, California; its fiscal-2026 filing states that references to Zoom or the Company include Zoom Communications, Inc. and, where appropriate, its subsidiaries.⁶

• The company was incorporated in April 2011 as Saasbee, Inc.; became Zoom Communications, Inc. in February 2012; Zoom Video Communications, Inc. in May 2012; and Zoom Communications, Inc. again effective 25 November 2024.^{1, 6, 36}

• The 25 November 2024 certificate amendment changed the corporate name while providing that other certificate provisions remained in force, and the accompanying filing states that no other bylaw changes were made beyond reflecting the name change.³⁶

• Zoom describes its business as an open, AI-first work platform for human connection, and the reviewed current filings do not describe state ownership or a geopolitical or state-development mandate.^{1, 6}

• Zoom’s February 2026 subsidiary exhibit lists entities in the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, Netherlands, Japan, China, France, India, Canada, Hong Kong, Singapore, Germany, Korea, Saudi Arabia, and Ireland, including Zoom Voice Communications, Keybase, Solvvy, Workvivo, Brighthire, Bonsai Technologies, and Templobe.²⁷

• No Israel-incorporated subsidiary appears in the February 2026 disclosed-subsidiary exhibit, although this does not resolve Israeli customers, personnel, resellers, contractors, government clients, cloud routing, or other non-subsidiary activity.^{26, 27}

• The fiscal-2026 Form 10-K contains no “Israel” text reference and describes research-and-development teams across Asia-Pacific, EMEA, and North America without a country-by-country office list.⁶

• Eric S. Yuan held 20,837,285 Class B shares, stated as 72.6% of Class B stock and 37.7% of total voting power, plus 74,914 Class A shares, as of 31 March 2026.³⁰

• Zoom’s dual-class structure assigns one vote to each Class A share and ten votes to each Class B share; the July 2026 Form 10-Q states that Class B holders collectively held 52.0% of voting power as of 31 July 2026.^{30, 37}

• The 2026 proxy identifies Vanguard, BlackRock, and Emergence Capital Partners affiliates as other disclosed holders exceeding five percent in the applicable stock or voting-power measures, while Puccini World Limited appeared in the 2025 proxy’s table but not the 2026 table; this is a change in reported table inclusion, not proof of disposition.^{2, 30}

• The 2018 Yuan and Zhang Revocable Trust is identified in Zoom’s 2026 proxy as a trust for which Zheng Yuan and Hongyu Zhang are co-trustees, with Eric Yuan and his spouse also serving as co-trustees; it held 20,837,285 Class B shares as of 31 March 2026.³⁰

• A January 2024 SEC Form 144 records sales by the 2018 Yuan and Zhang Revocable Trust under a Rule 10b5-1 plan, and a 2021 Schedule 13G likewise identifies Yuan and his spouse as co-trustees.^{38, 39}

• The reviewed records identify the 2018 Yuan and Zhang Revocable Trust as a revocable family holding trust, without establishing charitable status; no public charity registration or IRS Form 990 was identified in the scoped searches.^{30, 39, 38}

• The 2026 proxy identifies the Dan & Zoe Scheinman Trust Dated 2/23/01 and the 2017 Scheinman Irrevocable Trust as trusts for which Dan Scheinman serves as trustee and records their Zoom shareholdings.³⁰

• The reviewed records identify the Dan & Zoe Scheinman Trust Dated 2/23/01 and the 2017 Scheinman Irrevocable Trust as shareholding trusts, without establishing charitable status; no public charity registration or IRS Form 990 was identified in the scoped searches.³⁰

• The 2026 proxy records 2,388 Class A shares held by the Subotovsky Mann Family Trust and identifies Santiago Subotovsky as trustee, and records 36,060 Class A shares held by the Velchamy Family Trust and identifies Velchamy Sankarlingam as trustee.³⁰

• The reviewed records do not identify the Subotovsky Mann Family Trust or Velchamy Family Trust as charities, and no public charity registration or IRS Form 990 was identified for either in the scoped searches.³⁰

• No identified charity emerged from the holding-vehicle review; therefore, no IRS Form 990 grant schedule was available for review of either the latest or prior tax year.^{30, 39, 38}

Executive & Leadership Footprint

• Zoom’s 2026 proxy reported an eight-member board as of 31 March 2026: Eric Yuan, H.R. McMaster, Jonathan Chadwick, Cindy Hoots, Dan Scheinman, Michael Fenger, William McDermott, and Santiago Subotovsky; it states that Peter Gassner resigned during fiscal 2026 and the board was reduced to eight members.³⁰

• Stockholders elected Yuan and McMaster as Class I directors through the 2029 annual meeting on 11 June 2026.⁴⁰

• William McDermott resigned effective 27 July 2026 and stated through Zoom’s filing that his resignation did not result from disagreement concerning Zoom’s operations, policies, or practices.⁴¹

• Jeff Epstein was appointed a Class I director and Audit Committee member effective 31 August 2026, while Jonathan Chadwick notified Zoom that he planned to resign effective 19 November 2026 and remained a director as of the 2 September 2026 filing.⁴²

• Zoom’s governance page, accessed in September 2026, lists committee roles for Chadwick, Epstein, Fenger, Hoots, McMaster, Scheinman, Subotovsky, and Yuan; McMaster is listed on the Cybersecurity and Nominating and Corporate Governance Committees.⁴³

• As of 31 March 2026, Yuan was President, CEO, and Chair; Aparna Bawa was COO; Michelle Chang was CFO; and Velchamy Sankarlingam was President of Product and Engineering.³⁰

• Bawa resigned effective 8 May 2026; the reviewed post-May filings do not identify a replacement COO or provide a later full executive-officer roster.^{30, 41, 42}

• McMaster’s proxy biography records that he is a retired U.S. Army lieutenant general with prior U.S. military and national-security roles; that biography alone does not determine his Israel-related affiliations or advocacy.²

• The Foundation for Defense of Democracies event page for 26 September 2024 identifies McMaster as chair of the advisory board of its Center on Military and Political Power. In the event transcript, McMaster advocates stronger U.S. support for Israel and opposes a ceasefire before Hamas is destroyed. These are his personal role and remarks; the source does not establish Zoom endorsement, direction or funding of FDD.⁴⁴

• Jonathan Chadwick has been a Zoom director since September 2017 and a private investor since April 2016; the 2026 proxy records prior executive roles at VMware, Skype/Microsoft, McAfee, and Cisco and board roles at ServiceNow and Samsara.³⁰

• A Palestine-related August 2026 article by another Jonathan Chadwick is excluded from this audit because its author identifies as a writer and theatre director, rather than Zoom’s director.⁴⁵

• Michael Fenger joined Zoom’s board in August 2024 and has been Apple’s Vice President, Worldwide Sales since 2019.³⁰

• Cindy Hoots has been a Zoom director since January 2023; McCormick’s May 2026 filing describes her as recently retired from AstraZeneca, appointed to McCormick’s board effective 1 June 2026, an adviser to startups, and a member of BP’s Digital Advisory Council.^{30, 46}

• Dan Scheinman has been a Zoom director since January 2013, is its lead independent director, and has been an angel investor since April 2011.³⁰

• No public evidence identified in the completed targeted searches and reviewed primary filings of 2023–2026 Israel/Palestine advocacy, affiliations, IDF/FIDF/JNF or settlement/military-welfare giving, or relevant investments by Zoom directors Jonathan Chadwick, Jeff Epstein, Michael Fenger, Cindy Hoots, or Dan Scheinman; this is a bounded public-record result and does not establish the absence of private, unreported, or unsearched activity.^{30, 42, 46, 45}

• The cited SEC ownership and executive records identify positions and holdings; they do not provide a comprehensive account of private philanthropy, advocacy or investment activity by Yuan, other executives or institutional shareholders. No wider absence conclusion is drawn from these records.^{2, 30, 37}