CGI POLITICAL

Request ID: cc7bd554-2674-422d-a8af-dda601980a88 Target: CGI Inc. (cgi.com), including verified controlled subsidiaries and relevant Logica/CGI Federal lineage Audit date: 8 October 2026

Identity control. [pre-2020] CGI Inc. continues the activities of the Canadian IT-services business founded in 1976; its 2025 Annual Information Form lists CGI Federal Inc. and CGI Technologies and Solutions Inc. among its wholly owned principal subsidiaries.¹ The similarly named cgi.co.il business is a different organization: its current site says “CGI Group” was founded in Israel in 1989 and identifies Zvika Nave as founder/CEO, Jacob Perry as president, a Tel Aviv address, and personnel backgrounds in Israeli security services.² Those cgi.co.il intelligence, cyber, security and Israeli-state/personnel facts are excluded from this audit of CGI Inc. [pre-2020] CGI Inc. acquired Logica plc in August 2012, and the former Logica UK operation was rebranded as CGI in 2013; that historical lineage is ongoing inside CGI, but unrelated Israeli businesses merely using “Logica” in their names are not attributed without corporate evidence.^{3, 4}

Corporate Communications & Public Stance

Statements

Targeted searches of CGI’s corporate newsroom and site for Israel, Gaza, Palestine and the post-7 October 2023 conflict identified no public evidence identified of an official CGI Inc. corporate statement taking a position on the Israel-Palestine conflict, announcing support for Israel, condemning Palestinian advocacy, or announcing humanitarian relief for Palestinians.

By comparison, on 11 May 2022 CGI publicly announced US$1 million in employee/company humanitarian support for Ukrainians, described cooperation with the International Committee of the Red Cross, and said it had no offices in Ukraine, Russia or Belarus.⁵ No equivalent target-specific CGI corporate announcement concerning Palestinian civilian harm was identified in the searches described in the research notes.

Comparative public posture

The 2022 Ukraine release shows that CGI has used its corporate communications channel to address a major armed conflict and mobilize humanitarian aid.⁵ In the reviewed public record, no public evidence identified of a comparable CGI Inc. statement or humanitarian-mobilization announcement for Gaza or Palestinian civilians. This is reported as a communications comparison only; the audit does not infer motive from silence.

Market framing

CGI’s 2025 Annual Information Form describes a global commercial IT and business-consulting model operating across six continents and lists its principal subsidiaries and “main offices and delivery centers.” Israel is not named in that filing or in its disclosed main-office/delivery-centre list.¹ This establishes how CGI frames its disclosed footprint; it does not prove that CGI has no employees, subcontractors, projects or customers connected to Israel.

No public evidence identified of CGI Inc. publicly framing Israel as a unique geopolitical partnership, strategic state alliance, or special market in the reviewed primary disclosures.

Operations in Occupied or Contested Territories

Territorial presence and regional service nexus

The strongest verified target-specific regional nexus is U.S. consular processing. The current USTravelDocs location selector includes Gaza, Israel and West Bank among the locations from which users can begin the U.S.-visa process.⁶ The site’s privacy notice states that the U.S. Department of State contracted CGI Federal Inc. to assist in collecting and processing visa-applicant information; it says the process includes personal information and biometric data and that CGI Federal may transmit data to the Department of State or share it with subcontractors, vendors and suppliers as needed to process a visa application.⁷ The U.S. Department of State’s current visa-post list separately identifies Tel Aviv for non-immigrant visas and Jerusalem for all visa categories.⁸

CGI Federal’s own current international-affairs page says its teams operate at more than 90 U.S. embassies and consulates in more than 65 countries and process more than six million U.S. visas per year for 55 countries.⁹ A more specific CGI page says it provides non-inherently-governmental services to more than 60 consular sections worldwide.¹⁰ These CGI pages do not name Israel as one of those staffed locations. Accordingly, the combined evidence supports a U.S.-government visa/data-processing service that reaches applicants choosing Israel/Gaza/West Bank on the public portal, but it does not establish a CGI Inc. office in Israel or the occupied Palestinian territory, an Israeli-government customer, an IDF customer, or Israeli data residency.^{6, 7, 9, 10}

On 22 October 2024 CGI Federal announced three Department of State visa-processing task orders covering 25 countries in Scandinavia, Central Europe, China and Southeast Asia, with a two-year funded base value of US$37.4 million and total potential value of US$137.3 million through 2032.¹¹ Those named 2024 task orders are not presented by CGI as Israel-specific.¹¹

Outside this U.S.-consular nexus, no public evidence identified of a verified CGI Inc./CGI Federal office, branch, dealership, data centre, service contract, equipment sale, or subsidiary operation located in an Israeli settlement, the West Bank, East Jerusalem or the Golan Heights.

Legal and regulatory scrutiny

The UN Human Rights Office’s 26 September 2025 update to the settlement-business database (A/HRC/60/19) says the database lists 158 business enterprises from 11 countries involved in specified settlement-related activities.¹² Exact-name checks of the retrieved report materials for CGI, CGI Inc., CGI Federal and Serge Godin produced no public evidence identified of a target listing. The database is mandate-limited to specified activities and is not a complete register of every Israel-related commercial relationship, so non-listing is not treated as proof of no nexus.¹²

A separate exact-name check of the 2025 Special Rapporteur report A/HRC/59/23, From economy of occupation to economy of genocide, produced no public evidence identified of CGI Inc., CGI Federal or Serge Godin being named in the retrieved report materials.¹³ No finding from another technology company named in that report was transferred to CGI.

Civil society and boycott campaign history

Targeted searches across Who Profits, AFSC Investigate, Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, Al-Haq, BDS-related material and broader web results identified no public evidence identified of an organized boycott, divestment or sanctions campaign specifically naming CGI Inc. or CGI Federal on Israel/Palestine grounds. False-positive results relating to the unrelated Israeli cgi.co.il “CGI Group” were excluded.²

Internal Governance, Content & Retail Policies

Employee relations

Targeted searches for CGI employment discipline, union litigation, dress/symbol rules, employee petitions and workplace retaliation connected to Palestine or Israel identified no public evidence identified of CGI Inc. or its verified subsidiaries disciplining staff for pro-Palestinian speech, suing a union over pro-Palestine activity, or otherwise imposing a region-specific speech policy.

Platform, editorial policy and data handling

CGI’s filed business description is that of an IT/business-consulting, systems-integration, managed-services and business-process-services group, not a consumer social-media or user-generated-content platform.¹ no public evidence identified of an independent study or regulatory inquiry finding Israel/Palestine content-moderation asymmetry by CGI.

There is, however, a verified data-handling nexus through CGI Federal’s visa work. The USTravelDocs privacy notice says CGI Federal collects personal data and biometric data for visa processing, can transfer data to the U.S. Department of State, and can share data with its subcontractors/vendors/suppliers as necessary for the contracted service.⁷ The notice does not identify Israel as the storage location or identify an Israeli subcontractor; no public evidence identified of an Israel-specific data-hosting or surveillance arrangement from this source.⁷

Retail and supply-chain practices

CGI Norge AS’s 28 June 2024 Transparency Act statement, covering fiscal 2023, says the Norwegian regulator asked it to assess whether it was affected by developments in Ukraine and the Gaza Strip. CGI Norge wrote that its then-current investigations did not indicate such an impact because it did not source supplies from those areas, and that the issue required continuous follow-up through its quarterly enterprise-risk assessment.¹⁴ This is a subsidiary-specific statement for CGI Norge and is not evidence that every CGI entity had the same supply chain in 2024 or 2026.¹⁴

No public evidence identified of CGI retail labelling or sourcing rules for settlement-origin goods, regulatory action over settlement-product labelling, or a verified group-wide procurement relationship with an Israeli settlement supplier.

Brand Heritage & State Partnerships

Marketing positioning and defence heritage

CGI is not presented in its corporate filing as a military- or state-security-founded company; [pre-2020] its disclosed corporate lineage begins with the Canadian IT-services business founded in 1976.¹ It does, however, actively market defence and intelligence services today. CGI Federal’s current U.S. Army page describes support for HIMARS/MLRS fielding, tactical command-and-control, logistics, aviation, cyber/cloud work and Foreign Military Sales support across multiple partner nations, including expressly named Ukraine and Australia examples.¹⁵ CGI UK’s current defence page says it has worked with UK and allied defence/intelligence communities for more than 45 years and builds information systems used by military personnel.¹⁶

Those defence pages are relevant to CGI’s brand and capabilities but do not identify Israel, the IDF, the Israeli Ministry of Defense or a settlement entity for the cited programmes.^{15, 16} They therefore are not converted into an Israel-specific military or surveillance finding.

An official USAspending award page also records a 2026 CGI Federal award under the U.S. Department of Defense/Defense Finance and Accounting Service.¹⁷ This is a current U.S. federal defence relationship, not evidence of an Israeli military outcome.¹⁷

Institutional ties and sponsorships

CGI Federal’s verified state partnerships include the U.S. Department of State visa-processing work described above.^{7, 9, 11} no public evidence identified of an Israeli state honour accepted by CGI as a corporation, an Israeli government or state-university non-commercial sponsorship, a “Brand Israel” campaign, or a CGI corporate sponsorship of a settlement event.

Lobbying, Advocacy, Financing & Logistics

Political lobbying and PAC activity

The U.S. Federal Election Commission lists the CGI Technologies and Solutions Inc. PAC as an active, qualified corporate PAC. For the 2025-2026 cycle through 31 August 2026, the FEC page reports US$178,638.06 in total receipts, US$288,372.30 in total disbursements, US$112,500 in contributions to other committees and US$0 in independent expenditures.¹⁸ [pre-2020] The same FEC page gives the PAC’s registration date as 18 February 2000; its status is current in 2026.¹⁸ The presence of a corporate PAC does not by itself establish an Israel/Palestine position.

A Q1 2026 federal Lobbying Disclosure Act filing by Crossroads Strategies for CGI Federal reports US$30,000 in lobbying income and identifies the specific issue as Air Traffic Control Modernization, with lobbying of the U.S. Senate, House and Department of Transportation.¹⁹ That reviewed filing contains no Israel/Palestine or anti-BDS issue.¹⁹ no public evidence identified in the reviewed target-specific lobbying material of CGI lobbying the U.S. or UK governments for Israeli military aid, settlement policy, anti-Palestinian measures or Israel-specific trade sanctions.

Texas statutory Israel-boycott contract term

A direct Israel-policy-related corporate record exists in Texas state procurement. Texas DIR lists CGI Technologies and Solutions Inc. as the active vendor under DIR-CPO-6079, arising from RFO DIR-CPO-TMP-593, with contract start 30 October 2025, term date 30 October 2027 and stated expiration 30 October 2030.²⁰

The compiled RFO contains two relevant formulations. An older respondent-information form states that, as required by Texas law, executing the contract represents that the respondent does not and will not boycott Israel and that its subcontractors do not/will not boycott Israel.²¹ The later March 2025 Standard Contract Terms section 16.16 states instead that a successful respondent certifies either that it meets an exemption criterion under Texas Government Code §2271.002 or that it does not and will not boycott Israel during the contract.²¹ Because the public package reviewed here does not show which branch CGI invoked, the evidence establishes participation in a Texas procurement carrying an Israel-boycott statutory condition, but does not establish that CGI voluntarily adopted an anti-BDS policy or that it necessarily made the non-boycott certification rather than relying on an exemption.^{20, 21}

The CGI contract began on 30 October 2025, after the ICJ’s 19 July 2024 advisory opinion concerning the occupied Palestinian territory and after the ICC’s 21 November 2024 issuance of arrest warrants for Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant.^{20, 22, 23} This establishes chronology only; no public evidence identified that CGI’s Texas contracting decision was taken because of, in response to, or with reference to those international-law developments.

Financial contributions

Targeted searches for corporate or controlling-principal funding to the IDF, Friends of the IDF, JNF/KKL, Lev Echad, Israeli reservist funds, Regavim, Im Tirtzu, settlement organizations or military-welfare bodies found no public evidence identified for CGI Inc., CGI Federal, CGI Technologies and Solutions Inc., Serge Godin, Tim Hurlebaus, Julie Godin or Alisa Bearfield.

Crisis asset mobilization

No public evidence identified of CGI directing free cloud credits, logistics, infrastructure, flights, equipment, technical services or other corporate resources to the Israeli government, IDF, settlements or an Israel-aligned military-welfare NGO during the post-7 October 2023 conflict. CGI’s documented 2022 Ukraine mobilization is materially different: the company publicly announced US$1 million in employee/company humanitarian aid and related support for Ukrainians.⁵

Corporate Structure & Primary Mission

Foundational mandate and ownership

CGI Inc.’s 2025 Annual Information Form describes a commercial technology and professional-services enterprise. It lists principal wholly owned subsidiaries including CGI Technologies and Solutions Inc. and CGI Federal Inc. in the United States, along with principal operating subsidiaries in Canada and multiple European countries.¹ No Israeli principal subsidiary is listed in that filing.¹ Because the filing expressly omits smaller subsidiaries below stated materiality thresholds and certain holding entities, that fact is not treated as proof that no Israeli-incorporated minor entity could exist.¹

The 2025 management proxy identifies founder and co-chair Serge Godin as the controlling shareholder. As at 1 December 2025 he beneficially owned or controlled shares carrying approximately 55.62% of all voting rights, principally through all outstanding Class B multiple-voting shares.²⁴ No state-held golden share or state controlling shareholder is disclosed in the reviewed 2025 capital/governance filings.^{1, 24}

[pre-2020] CGI’s corporate history includes the 2012 acquisition of Logica plc for approximately £1.7 billion plus assumed net debt, followed in 2013 by rebranding the former Logica UK operation as CGI.^{3, 4} The relationship is ongoing as corporate lineage, while the separate Logica brand was discontinued in the cited UK market.^{3, 4}

No public evidence identified in the reviewed charter/filing record that CGI’s primary corporate mission is to advance Israeli state geopolitical goals, Israeli settlement infrastructure or any state’s geopolitical agenda as distinct from commercial IT, consulting and government-contract services.¹

Executive & Leadership Footprint

Controlling principal and current leadership

Serge Godin remains the relevant controlling principal because the 2025 proxy identifies him as founder, co-chair and controlling shareholder with approximately 55.62% of voting power.²⁴ CGI’s current leadership page says Tim Hurlebaus became President and CEO and joined the board in May 2026; it also records that he previously led CGI Federal and U.S. civilian, defence and intelligence programmes.²⁵ CGI announced that Alisa Bearfield became President of CGI Federal effective 1 October 2026, leading nearly 8,000 professionals across defence, civilian, healthcare, justice, intelligence and international-affairs work.²⁶

Personal philanthropy and financing

[pre-2020] The CGI proxy says Serge Godin established the Godin Family Foundation in 2000, and that Julie Godin co-founded it; the stated mission is alleviating poverty, promoting education and improving the health of children and teenagers, with more than 400 schools, hospitals and youth organizations assisted since inception.²⁴ The proxy does not identify an Israel/Palestine beneficiary.²⁴

Targeted searches of Serge Godin, Julie Godin, Tim Hurlebaus and Alisa Bearfield for IDF/FIDF/JNF/KKL, settlement entities, Israeli reservist funds, AIPAC/CFI/anti-BDS organizations and Israeli defence/surveillance investments found no public evidence identified of a qualifying donation, fundraising campaign, personal investment or family-foundation grant tied to those categories.

Public advocacy and statements

No public evidence identified of Serge Godin, Tim Hurlebaus, Julie Godin or Alisa Bearfield making a public Israel-Palestine co-belligerency statement, endorsing settlement expansion, campaigning against BDS, or publicly fundraising for the IDF or a military-welfare body in the reviewed record.

Board memberships and affiliations

The 2025 CGI proxy records conventional corporate and charitable affiliations for directors and executives and identifies Serge Godin’s controlling position.²⁴ It also records defence-adjacent commercial backgrounds for some directors, but no public evidence identified in the reviewed CGI governance material of a controlling principal holding a board or advisory role in AIPAC, CFI, FIDF, JNF/KKL, Regavim, Im Tirtzu or a settlement organization.²⁴