Aston Martin — Israel Complicity Index

Key Findings

Economic: Ernesto Bertarelli holds 14.92% of disclosed Aston Martin voting rights. His family’s B-FLEXION/Forestay investment chain includes a currently listed holding in Israel-headquartered K2View; this principal-linked portfolio flow governs the economic assessment.^{1, 2, 3, 4}

Digital: Aston Martin’s documented enterprise deployment of SentinelOne supports the named Soft Dual-Use Procurement band. Israeli R&D is established, while Aston Martin’s telemetry routing and access by Israeli personnel remain unresolved.^{5, 6, 7, 8, 9}

Political: The current authorised Autoart dealer in Herzliya offers sales and aftersales services. Its public commercial representation supports the rubric’s Business-as-Usual assessment; no active ideological endorsement is inferred.^{10, 11}

Not found: No public evidence identified of Israeli defence or security contracts, military end users, settlement operations, an Israeli subsidiary, or a company political position on Israel/Palestine.^{1, 12, 13}

Target Profile

Field	Detail
Company Name	Aston Martin Lagonda Global Holdings plc (“AML” / “AMLGHL”)
Jurisdiction	England and Wales; active UK public limited company, incorporated 27 July 2018.¹⁴
Headquarters	Banbury Road, Gaydon, Warwick, CV35 0DB, United Kingdom.¹⁴
Sector	Ultra-luxury performance-vehicle manufacture, sales, parts, brand licensing and motorsport activities.^{1, 15}
Ownership	London-listed public company (LSE: AML). At 31 December 2025, disclosed voting interests included Lawrence Stroll (32.99%), Ernesto Bertarelli (14.92%), Li Shufu/Geely (14.08%), Saudi PIF (13.88%), and Mercedes-Benz AG (7.54%); Stroll’s disclosed total includes Yew Tree and Bertarelli-related interests and must not be added to them.¹
Key Executives / Governance	Lawrence Stroll, Executive Chairman; Adrian Hallmark, CEO; Doug Lafferty, CFO. The board also includes shareholder representatives for Yew Tree, Mercedes-Benz, PIF, Geely, and Bertarelli-affiliated interests.^{1, 16}
Israeli-Nexus Summary	Documented nexus consists of an authorised third-party dealer/importer in Herzliya, indirect shareholder-linked investments in Israeli technology companies, and a cybersecurity supplier with Israeli R&D; no public evidence identifies military, settlement, or Israeli-state contracting.^{1, 10, 5, 2, 12}

Key Facts:

Aston Martin manufactures sports cars in Gaydon, England, and the DBX range at St Athan, Wales.¹⁵
Its Israel-facing dealer is presented as Autoart (I.L.) Ltd at 25 Maskit Street, Herzliya, rather than as an identified AML-owned operating subsidiary.^{1, 10, 11}
AML states that the Aston Martin Aramco Formula One Team / AMR GP is legally separate; AML disposed of its remaining investment in January 2026 while retaining a sponsorship relationship.¹

Executive Summary

Aston Martin’s documented Israel nexus is principally commercial and indirect. The company’s official dealer locator identifies Aston Martin Israel / Aston Martin Tel Aviv at 25 Maskit Street, Herzliya, as an authorised dealer providing new and pre-owned sales, servicing, parts, tyres, collection and delivery, and service-plan services.¹⁰ Autoart’s own material identifies Autoart (I.L.) Ltd as the local operator and states that Autoart officially represents Aston Martin in Israel.¹¹ AML’s 2025 annual report states that all dealers except one UK dealer are third-party dealers, supporting treatment of Autoart as an authorised dealer/importer rather than an AML-controlled Israeli subsidiary.¹

The most direct technology-related record is AML’s documented use of SentinelOne endpoint protection. SentinelOne states that Aston Martin deployed its platform across manufacturing, headquarters, supply-chain and field-office environments, and its current customer material continues to present Aston Martin as a customer.^{5, 7} SentinelOne is a US-incorporated company with an Israeli R&D footprint and Tel Aviv office.^{6, 9} However, the available record does not establish that Israeli personnel process or access AML data, that AML’s telemetry is routed through Israel, or that any Israeli SentinelOne entity contracts with or receives payment from AML.^{5, 6}

A further nexus arises through ownership, but must be kept distinct from corporate activity. AML’s annual report attributes 14.92% voting rights to Ernesto Bertarelli.¹ B-FLEXION identifies Bertarelli as chairman, and Forestay identifies itself as B-FLEXION’s enterprise-software fund with a mandate that includes Israel.^{2, 3} Forestay publicly identifies K2View, vCita, and Fornova as portfolio companies with Israeli or USA/Israel headquarters.^{4, 17, 18} This evidences a major-shareholder/family-investment chain; it does not establish Aston Martin operational procurement, ownership of Forestay, a corporate investment in those companies, or any military or Palestinian-targeted use of their products.^{1, 2, 3, 4, 17}

The reviewed record does not support claims that Aston Martin supplies Israeli military or security bodies, operates in settlements or the Occupied Palestinian Territory, or maintains an Israeli subsidiary. No public evidence identified of contracts with the Israeli Ministry of Defence, IDF, Israel Police, Border Police, prison service, or Israeli defence primes; nor was evidence identified of settlement sales, service activity, facilities, or infrastructure work.^{1, 12, 13} AML has not been identified in the reviewed settlement-business, arms-supplier, or BDS-priority materials, though these are document-scoped findings rather than proof of universal absence.^{12, 13}

Under the fixed human-vetted V6.5 assessment, Aston Martin receives a BRS of 410, placing it in Tier C (Substantial Complicity). The governing economic frame is principal-linked portfolio investment under Principle 4; digital rests on the named SentinelOne procurement band, and political on the continuing authorised commercial presence. Unresolved data-access questions do not supply a higher digital outcome, and no military or settlement activity is treated as verified.

Timeline of Relevant Events

Date	Event
27 July 2018	Aston Martin Lagonda Global Holdings plc was incorporated in England and Wales.¹⁴
2018	SentinelOne states that AML began its selection process and deployed SentinelOne following a proof of concept.⁸
2019	SentinelOne dates AML’s “Official Cybersecurity Partner” designation to 2019.⁸
18 July 2019	B-FLEXION announced a $15 million vCita funding round led by Forestay; this was a total round size, not an Aston Martin expenditure.¹⁹
11 August 2020	K2View announced a $28 million funding round led by Forestay and Genesis Partners; this was a total round size, not a disclosed Forestay-only cheque or Aston Martin expenditure.²⁰
June 2023	Aston Martin announced an EV technology relationship with Lucid covering powertrain, battery-system and software technologies; no Israeli technology component was identified in the reviewed evidence.²¹
29 September 2025	AML disposed of the significant part of its AMR GP investment for approximately £106 million net proceeds.¹
31 December 2025	AML’s annual report recorded the disclosed substantial voting interests used in this dossier, including Bertarelli’s 14.92% interest.¹
16 January 2026	AML completed disposal of its remaining AMR GP holding while retaining a long-term sponsorship relationship.¹

Corporate Overview

AML is the listed ultimate holding company of the Aston Martin group. Its principal operating subsidiary, Aston Martin Lagonda Limited, undertakes luxury-car manufacture and sales, parts sales, brand licensing, and motorsport activities.^{1, 15} The group’s disclosed holdings include entities in the United Kingdom, Jersey, the United States, Germany, Japan, Singapore, and the People’s Republic of China; the disclosed list of group entities held at 20% or more as at 31 December 2025 does not identify an Israeli-incorporated or Occupied Palestinian Territory entity.¹

Aston Martin’s publicly documented Israeli market presence is the authorised dealership/importer relationship with Autoart. Official Aston Martin material distinguishes the dealer from group entities, while Autoart identifies itself as the official representative and local website operator.^{10, 11} The sources do not publish the dealer agreement, ownership of every transaction, sales volume, payment terms, importer-of-record terms, or customer geography. Accordingly, the record supports a continuing authorised civilian distribution relationship in Herzliya, but not a quantified Israel revenue stream or a claim of AML ownership or control of Autoart.^{1, 10, 11}

AMR GP, which owns and operates the Aston Martin-branded Formula One team, is legally separate from AML.¹ Shared branding does not merge the legal entities or establish road-car procurement. F1-team supplier records require their own target connection; a separately evidenced qualifying principal act remains assessable under Principle 4. The documented disposal is not a blanket exemption for shared-principal conduct.¹

Domain Summaries

Military: Military

Mechanism of Involvement

No public evidence identified of Aston Martin, its group companies, Autoart, TRASCO, AddArmor, or a documented strategic partner supplying Israel’s Ministry of Defence, IDF, police, Border Police, prison service, or Israeli defence primes.^{12, 13} The company’s identified Israel presence is a civilian authorised dealer in Herzliya.^{10, 11}

An Israeli Ministry of Transport instruction approved registration of an Aston Martin V12 Vantage imported by Autoart (I.L.) Ltd as an M1 private-passenger coupé. That document is vehicle-registration approval; it does not identify an Israeli security purchaser, state end user, or subsequent sale.²²

Aston Martin does not market a tactical, military-specification, or defence-grade vehicle line in its current official model material.¹⁵ Third-party armouring examples - the TRASCO DB11 conversion and AddArmor Vantage conversion - are attributed to those aftermarket firms and described in civilian executive-protection or criminal-attack contexts. No public evidence identifies Aston Martin authorisation, Israeli customers, Israeli military use, or Israeli state-security end users for either programme.^{23, 24}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

The strongest defence is that the available record shows a civilian luxury-car manufacturer with a civilian dealer relationship, not a defence contractor. Targeted searches found no public contract, tender, framework, licence, end-user certificate, or procurement record tying Aston Martin to Israeli military or security bodies.^{12, 13}

This is not a claim that every undisclosed transaction is impossible. Public UK export-control releases are aggregate rather than exporter-specific, and incomplete access to broader procurement databases means a search result cannot prove complete database-wide absence.²⁵ The dossier therefore records the narrower finding: no public evidence identified in the reviewed record.

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Autoart (I.L.) Ltd: Authorised Israeli dealer/importer in Herzliya; civilian services publicly listed.^{10, 11}
TRASCO Bremen: Third-party company that announced an armoured DB11 concept; no evidence of Israeli state use or Aston Martin co-production.²³
AddArmor: Third-party company reported to have made an armoured Vantage; no evidence of Israeli state use or Aston Martin authorisation.²⁴
Mercedes-Benz AG: Strategic civilian automotive technology partner; no evidence in the agreement of Israeli defence production or military end use.²⁶

Digital: Digital

Mechanism of Involvement

AML’s documented enterprise technologies include Microsoft Azure, Google Cloud Run, Salesforce, Sitecore, and SentinelOne.^{27, 28} The confirmed Israel-relevant relationship is SentinelOne: AML deployed SentinelOne endpoint-security services across its manufacturing, headquarters, supply-chain, and field-office environments, and SentinelOne continues publicly to describe AML as a customer.^{5, 7}

SentinelOne is incorporated in the United States, while its filings identify R&D employees primarily in Israel, India and the Czech Republic and identify a Tel Aviv office.^{6, 9} The rubric explicitly names SentinelOne procurement within the Soft Dual-Use Procurement band. The documented direct, enterprise-wide deployment supports I3.5/M7/P9 under that buyer band and the Customer Cap. It does not establish where the AML service is hosted, where telemetry is processed, whether Israeli personnel access it, or whether an Israeli SentinelOne legal entity provides the service.^{5, 6}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Aston Martin’s strongest defence is that SentinelOne is a US-incorporated cybersecurity vendor and the public record does not show an Israel-based contracting party, Israeli data residency, Israeli support access, or a defined route for AML telemetry through Israel.^{5, 6} No public evidence identified of AML using Israeli-domiciled defence, intelligence, surveillance, biometric, predictive-monitoring, or autonomous-system vendors.^{12, 27}

The separate F1 team’s technology partnerships, including its cybersecurity and cloud arrangements, remain attributable to AMR GP rather than AML absent evidence of AML procurement or transfer.¹ Likewise, Mercedes-Benz’s relationship with AML does not establish that an Israeli Mercedes R&D entity contributed a deliverable supplied to Aston Martin.²⁶

Named Entities and Evidence Map

SentinelOne: AML endpoint-security customer relationship; Israeli R&D and Tel Aviv presence documented, but AML data-routing and personnel-access facts unresolved.^{5, 6}
Microsoft Azure / Google Cloud Run: Documented AML cloud services; no public evidence identified of Project Nimbus participation, Israeli state-cloud services, or Israeli data centres.^{27, 28}
Mercedes-Benz AG: Supplies powertrain and E/E architecture under a strategic agreement; no identified Israeli-developed component supplied to AML.²⁶

Economic: Economic

Mechanism of Involvement

The direct economic nexus is Aston Martin’s authorised Israeli dealer/importer relationship. The official dealer locator lists Autoart’s Herzliya location and the services offered, while Autoart identifies itself as the official representative of Aston Martin in Israel.^{10, 11} Israeli sales launched in 2014 with an initial allocation of approximately 20 vehicles, but this historical launch allocation does not establish current annual volume.²⁹

The ownership-linked economic nexus is indirect. AML’s annual report attributes 14.92% voting rights to Ernesto Bertarelli.¹ B-FLEXION names Bertarelli as chairman and Forestay as a Bertarelli-family enterprise-software fund; Forestay’s portfolio identifies K2View, vCita and Fornova as Israeli or USA/Israel companies.^{2, 3, 4, 17, 18} The evidence establishes a disclosed investment chain connected to a major AML shareholder, rather than an AML corporate investment or operational relationship.^{1, 2, 3, 4} Principle 4 expressly includes equity investments by qualifying principals with at least a 10% interest. Accordingly, the K2View chain governs at I4.5 for Indirect Portfolio Flow, M7 for the continuing multi-year investment and P9 under the principal-attribution rule. Legal separation does not cancel that specific rule. The dealer relationship remains a lower-Impact alternative.

Forestay identifies K2View’s initial investment as 2020 and currently lists it in the portfolio. K2View’s $28 million announcement is the total round led by Forestay with Genesis Partners, not an AML expenditure or a disclosed Forestay-only cheque.^{4, 20} Forestay’s Veriti investment, first made in 2023, is marked exited; Check Point’s 2025 acquisition confirms the exit context. No continuing Forestay holding in Veriti or Check Point is inferred.^{30, 31}

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

Autoart is supported by the evidence as a third-party dealer/importer, not as an AML-owned Israeli subsidiary.^{1, 10, 11} No public evidence identified of Aston Martin-owned Israeli premises, employees, warehouse, office, factory, R&D centre, payroll, tax registration, or Israeli importer-of-record subsidiary.^{1, 14}

No public evidence identified of current Israel-specific unit volume, revenue, wholesale price, dealer commission, franchise fee, payment direction, importer margin, or contract terms.^{1, 10, 11} No public evidence identified of Israeli sovereign bonds, Israeli-company securities held by AML, Israel-focused funds held by AML, Israeli project finance, or Israeli state contracts.^{1, 14}

Forestay’s investment record must not be hardened into a claim that AML funds, controls, or benefits from the portfolio companies. The portfolio pages do not disclose exact current ownership percentages, and the reviewed sources identify no named military customer, Palestinian-targeted deployment, or Aston Martin use of the relevant products.^{2, 3, 4, 17}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

Autoart (I.L.) Ltd: Authorised third-party dealer/importer and local operator in Herzliya.^{10, 11}
Ernesto Bertarelli: AML shareholder with 14.92% disclosed voting rights as at 31 December 2025.¹
B-FLEXION / Forestay: Bertarelli-family investment structure and enterprise-software fund with a Europe-and-Israel mandate.^{2, 3}
K2View, vCita, Fornova: Forestay portfolio companies described as Israel-headquartered or USA/Israel-headquartered.^{4, 17, 18}

Political: Political

Mechanism of Involvement

The reviewed evidence does not identify a direct Israel/Palestine political act by AML. The company’s 2025 annual report refers to “Gaza/Israel” as a global-conflict supply-chain risk affecting lead times and freight costs, rather than as a political, humanitarian, or endorsement statement.¹ The same report states that AML’s policy is not to make political donations and that none were made during the reporting period.¹

The governing political frame is the continuing authorised commercial representation in Israel: Business-as-Usual I3.5, sustained sub-national Magnitude M5.5 and direct corporate authorisation P7.5. This is a rubric inference about public market normalisation, not an allegation of active political advocacy. The Herzliya dealer relationship is a current commercial relationship, but it is not verified evidence of lobbying, a state counterparty, settlement activity, or conflict-related purpose.^{1, 10, 11} The Bertarelli/Forestay investment chain governs the economic assessment; it does not independently prove corporate political advocacy by Aston Martin.^{1, 2, 3}

The principal review retains affirmative historical giving. Weizmann’s 2017 publication describes Michael de Picciotto’s cancer-cell observatory gift; it does not establish later payments or a military or political purpose.^{32, 33} World ORT’s original 1995 donor roll names “Lawrence Stroll, Canada” in the $5,000–$9,999 category on printed page 36. That historical entry does not identify an Israel-specific allocation, exact amount or later contribution.³⁴ The Pebble Beach Company Foundation’s 2024 donor roll lists Lawrence Stroll, and the Aston Martin Heritage Trust’s 2026 account records Adrian Hallmark speaking at a charity event; neither identifies an Israel/Palestine political purpose.^{35, 36} These findings are disclosed without converting dated philanthropy into current conflict-related support.

Counter-Arguments and Evidence Limits

No public evidence identified of AML corporate statements on the 7 October attacks, Palestinian civilian harm, Israel’s military operations in Gaza, Palestinian rights, BDS, settlements, or related action following July 2024 in the reviewed materials and targeted searches.¹ No public evidence identified of lobbying on Israel/Palestine, anti-BDS legislation, settlement policy, or regional trade policy, nor of financing Israeli or Palestinian political-advocacy groups, military-welfare funds, settlement entities, or conflict-related logistics.^{1, 37}

No public evidence identified of dealerships, sales, service centres, contracts, events, or donations in West Bank settlements, East Jerusalem settlements, the Golan Heights, or Gaza.^{1, 12, 13} The dealer material does not disclose every transaction’s customer location or end user, so this remains a public-record finding rather than proof about all private transactions.^{10, 11}

Named Entities and Evidence Map

AML / Aston Martin: No verified Israel/Palestine political statement or conflict-related political donation in the reviewed record.¹
Autoart: Current authorised civilian dealer/importer relationship in Herzliya; no verified state or political counterpart.^{10, 11}
BDS Movement guide / reviewed UN and civil-society material: Aston Martin was not named in the specified materials; these are source-scoped non-listings only.^{12, 13, 38}

BDS-1000 Score

Method: V6.5.

Domain	I	M	P	V-Domain Score
Military	0.00	0.00	0.00	0.00
Digital	3.50	7.00	9.00	3.50
Economic	4.50	7.00	9.00	4.50
Political	3.50	5.50	7.50	2.75

V_MAX: 4.50 Avg_OTHERS: 2.08
BRS Score: 410 Tier: C (Substantial Complicity)

Economic is the maximum domain at 4.5 because the qualifying principal’s continuing K2View investment chain falls within Indirect Portfolio Flow and Principle 4; no AML ownership of the fund or direct corporate cheque is asserted.^{1, 2, 3, 4, 20} Digital is 3.5 for the documented direct SentinelOne buyer relationship, with no higher data-access outcome inferred.^{5, 7, 8} Political is 2.75 for the authorised dealer’s sustained sub-national commercial representation; Military remains zero without a verified military pathway.^{10, 11, 12, 13}

The V6.5 result is scale-free, evidence-only, and human-vetted. It scores documented activity types, scale and directness rather than treating allegations, heritage, branding, unrelated affiliates, or unverified associations as proof.

Methodology Note

Evidence is limited to the four supplied domain audits and their cited documentary record.
Impact measures the documented activity type; M measures scale; P measures directness. Scores do not substitute inference for evidence.
Divested or exited operations are mitigated: AML’s former AMR GP investment is not treated as current group control after the documented disposals.¹
Entity attribution requires an evidenced connection. Principle 4 expressly includes qualifying >=10% principal equity investments; this governs the documented Bertarelli/Forestay chain without claiming AML legally owns the fund. Shared branding alone does not establish operational procurement or military use.
Settlement operations may be assessed in both Economic and Political where evidence supports both economic activity and political/territorial implications; no such Aston Martin settlement operation was identified in the reviewed record.^{1, 12, 13}
“No public evidence identified” reports the result of the completed documented checks; it does not claim exhaustive visibility into undisclosed contracts, transactions, ownership, or end users.